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David H. Kamens is Professor of Sociology Emeritus at Northern Illinois University.
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David H. Kamens is Professor of Sociology Emeritus at Northern Illinois University.
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Produktdetails
- Produktdetails
- Verlag: Stanford University Press
- Seitenzahl: 320
- Erscheinungstermin: 20. August 2019
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 231mm x 160mm x 25mm
- Gewicht: 626g
- ISBN-13: 9781503604964
- ISBN-10: 1503604969
- Artikelnr.: 53534293
- Verlag: Stanford University Press
- Seitenzahl: 320
- Erscheinungstermin: 20. August 2019
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 231mm x 160mm x 25mm
- Gewicht: 626g
- ISBN-13: 9781503604964
- ISBN-10: 1503604969
- Artikelnr.: 53534293
David H. Kamens is Professor of Sociology Emeritus at Northern Illinois University.
Contents and Abstracts
1Introduction
chapter abstract
The book argues that global events of the 1930s and the following decades
temporarily suspended key elements of the American creed. The role of
government became enlarged and a regulated capitalism emerged. The decades
of the post-1960s witnessed a reaction to these changes. An expanded
education system legitimated a surge in individualism and a decline in
citizen obligations. Emphasis on individual rights swelled, and individual
responsibilities became options. Fear of government as an enemy of
individual freedoms also grew. These developments were the seeds out of
which social and political polarization later grew. They also provided
support for intensified anti-elitism and its political
offspring-anti-establishment populism.
2The United States in Comparative Perspective
chapter abstract
This chapter surveys the elements of the traditional American creed. It is
the narrative of a frontier society that deemphasizes diversity of opinion
and culture. In its place this ethos imagines that all legitimate citizens
share a diffuse religion called the American way. In this depiction this
common belief system is the glue that holds society together society in
lieu of a strong state. It places a high value on conformity, though
equality of all citizens and individualism are also parts of the creed.
This folk culture supports populism as a political philosophy and source of
political action, anti-intellectualism and anti-scientific attitudes, and
exclusion of those who do not share this folk culture. Yet it provides
staunch support for deregulated capitalism and technological innovation.
This chapter shows with comparative public opinion data that U.S. political
culture continues to be different from that of other wealthy democracies.
3The Embedded State
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that American government is more embedded in society
than European democracies. This means that the boundaries between state and
civil society are weaker in the United States. This form of populist
democracy compels government officials to bargain with citizen groups over
policy. This feature helps account for the rapidity with which American
society can mobilize policy and resources if there is a popular consensus
for change. The same feature also allows for rapid demobilization once
popular interest has waned or when the public mood changes. Politicians
avoid legitimacy crises by using a form of decision making that produces
consensus but gives less weight to cost control and the evaluation of
outcomes. Congress passes legislation with broad goals. Decision makers in
regulatory agencies must then interpret the statutes and formulate the
working rules and outcomes. Cost control and evaluation of outcomes fall by
the wayside in this process.
4The Collectivist Moment
chapter abstract
The argument of this chapter is that the Great Depression of the 1930s
initiated a period of suspension of the classic American creed. Suddenly
government became legitimate as a collective actor in the struggle against
a major economic catastrophe. But its form did not change. The center
distributed resources and new authority to local governments. The federal
government did not centralize policy control because of the preferences of
Southern Democrats. The 1950s continued this process with the growth of the
national security state and the threat of the Cold War. The perception of
external threats also acted as a check on populism during this period.
5The Liberal Activist Society
chapter abstract
The optimism of the 1950s led to resurgence of two key elements of the
American creed: individualism and deregulated capitalism. Two movements
developed around these themes. First, movements pushing for the extension
of individual rights and freedoms resurfaced. Second, business groups began
the fight against a regulated economy. Liberals supporting the first agenda
pushed for more government spending to expand the welfare state and
education. The idea of the knowledge society was born. Supporting education
and the expansion of universities and science became legitimate government
responsibilities. Government funding for them soared. Civil society
responded by backing social movements pushing for the extension of
individual rights. But support for government expansion became contentious
among business groups and conservatives. Opposition to this plank of
liberalism was growing.
6The Intensification of Individualism and the Displacement of Citizenship
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the individual has become the main social
construct of society. Its significance displaces the idea of citizenship,
which includes a variety of obligations as well as rights. Becoming
educated has become the major responsibility of children and parents.
Education is now the secular religion of society and the way to produce
rational and moral individuals. One result is to reduce the charisma and
authority of many institutions and to confer it on educated individuals.
This transformation of authority in society has paved the way for radical
forms of populism based on generalized anti-elitism.
7The Growth of Big Government and the Conservative Counterattack
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that government growth produced a backlash from those
who saw it as an attack on a key feature of the American creed: the
hegemony of capitalism in America. The chapter describes the decline of the
liberal state and the growing unwillingness of political elites to fund it.
Business elites fought the regulated capitalism of the postwar period by
mobilizing politically. These attacks escalated and focused on starving
government of funds both by cutting taxes, particularly on business and the
wealthy, and by refusing to borrow money to finance government projects.
They successfully revived that part of the American creed that supported
individual freedom to thrive through their own economic efforts. The
chapter also describes key changes in society that result from an expanded
state.
8The Breakup of the Postwar Order
chapter abstract
This chapter describes the dissent that emerged in the post-1960s era. It
argues that conflict grew around two elements of the American creed: the
extension of individual freedoms and rights that was occurring and
government regulation of capitalism. These splits produced four separate
political cultures that neither political party has been able to contain.
Two majoritarian positions have emerged: majorities favor the extension of
civil rights and freedoms to many, and majorities favor less regulation of
capitalism and the economy. But there are strong minorities who dissent
from both these positions. Moral conservatives and the religious have
reservations on many issues such as abortion and homosexuality. On the
other hand, people who define themselves as progressives argue for more
regulation of industry and the economy, such as pollution regulations and
worker rights. Political entrepreneurs and the media have seized on these
issues and have produced a more polarized society.
9The Intensification of Populism and the Declining Legitimacy of Elites
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the new populism castigates all elites in society
as illegitimate. It has arisen and become successful because of two major
changes in American society. First, the intensification of individualism
has transferred authority to individuals and undermined that of elites in
society. Second, the breakdown of the center and the failure of both
parties to deal with economic and other problems has opened up space for
radical alternatives to flourish. The chapter discusses the types of
populism that emerge and the way that economic and cultural discourse
becomes connected to intensify populist antagonism to particular sets of
others.
10From Consensus to Culture Wars
chapter abstract
This chapter notes that local community politics is much less polarized
than the national political debate. This fact suggests that it is national
institutions that are responsible for the new politics of polarization. The
chapter discusses the sources of this change: (1) the changing trajectories
of the political parties, (2) deregulation of the national media, and (3)
the increasing importance of social media as megaphones of extremism.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
This chapter discusses three issues raised by the book: (1) whether
individualism can be the basis for national solidarity, (2) the future of
the current polarization of politics, and (3) populism and its future. It
presents several different possibilities and cautions that these futures
will be determined by both what happens in the United States and the fate
of globalization itself.
1Introduction
chapter abstract
The book argues that global events of the 1930s and the following decades
temporarily suspended key elements of the American creed. The role of
government became enlarged and a regulated capitalism emerged. The decades
of the post-1960s witnessed a reaction to these changes. An expanded
education system legitimated a surge in individualism and a decline in
citizen obligations. Emphasis on individual rights swelled, and individual
responsibilities became options. Fear of government as an enemy of
individual freedoms also grew. These developments were the seeds out of
which social and political polarization later grew. They also provided
support for intensified anti-elitism and its political
offspring-anti-establishment populism.
2The United States in Comparative Perspective
chapter abstract
This chapter surveys the elements of the traditional American creed. It is
the narrative of a frontier society that deemphasizes diversity of opinion
and culture. In its place this ethos imagines that all legitimate citizens
share a diffuse religion called the American way. In this depiction this
common belief system is the glue that holds society together society in
lieu of a strong state. It places a high value on conformity, though
equality of all citizens and individualism are also parts of the creed.
This folk culture supports populism as a political philosophy and source of
political action, anti-intellectualism and anti-scientific attitudes, and
exclusion of those who do not share this folk culture. Yet it provides
staunch support for deregulated capitalism and technological innovation.
This chapter shows with comparative public opinion data that U.S. political
culture continues to be different from that of other wealthy democracies.
3The Embedded State
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that American government is more embedded in society
than European democracies. This means that the boundaries between state and
civil society are weaker in the United States. This form of populist
democracy compels government officials to bargain with citizen groups over
policy. This feature helps account for the rapidity with which American
society can mobilize policy and resources if there is a popular consensus
for change. The same feature also allows for rapid demobilization once
popular interest has waned or when the public mood changes. Politicians
avoid legitimacy crises by using a form of decision making that produces
consensus but gives less weight to cost control and the evaluation of
outcomes. Congress passes legislation with broad goals. Decision makers in
regulatory agencies must then interpret the statutes and formulate the
working rules and outcomes. Cost control and evaluation of outcomes fall by
the wayside in this process.
4The Collectivist Moment
chapter abstract
The argument of this chapter is that the Great Depression of the 1930s
initiated a period of suspension of the classic American creed. Suddenly
government became legitimate as a collective actor in the struggle against
a major economic catastrophe. But its form did not change. The center
distributed resources and new authority to local governments. The federal
government did not centralize policy control because of the preferences of
Southern Democrats. The 1950s continued this process with the growth of the
national security state and the threat of the Cold War. The perception of
external threats also acted as a check on populism during this period.
5The Liberal Activist Society
chapter abstract
The optimism of the 1950s led to resurgence of two key elements of the
American creed: individualism and deregulated capitalism. Two movements
developed around these themes. First, movements pushing for the extension
of individual rights and freedoms resurfaced. Second, business groups began
the fight against a regulated economy. Liberals supporting the first agenda
pushed for more government spending to expand the welfare state and
education. The idea of the knowledge society was born. Supporting education
and the expansion of universities and science became legitimate government
responsibilities. Government funding for them soared. Civil society
responded by backing social movements pushing for the extension of
individual rights. But support for government expansion became contentious
among business groups and conservatives. Opposition to this plank of
liberalism was growing.
6The Intensification of Individualism and the Displacement of Citizenship
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the individual has become the main social
construct of society. Its significance displaces the idea of citizenship,
which includes a variety of obligations as well as rights. Becoming
educated has become the major responsibility of children and parents.
Education is now the secular religion of society and the way to produce
rational and moral individuals. One result is to reduce the charisma and
authority of many institutions and to confer it on educated individuals.
This transformation of authority in society has paved the way for radical
forms of populism based on generalized anti-elitism.
7The Growth of Big Government and the Conservative Counterattack
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that government growth produced a backlash from those
who saw it as an attack on a key feature of the American creed: the
hegemony of capitalism in America. The chapter describes the decline of the
liberal state and the growing unwillingness of political elites to fund it.
Business elites fought the regulated capitalism of the postwar period by
mobilizing politically. These attacks escalated and focused on starving
government of funds both by cutting taxes, particularly on business and the
wealthy, and by refusing to borrow money to finance government projects.
They successfully revived that part of the American creed that supported
individual freedom to thrive through their own economic efforts. The
chapter also describes key changes in society that result from an expanded
state.
8The Breakup of the Postwar Order
chapter abstract
This chapter describes the dissent that emerged in the post-1960s era. It
argues that conflict grew around two elements of the American creed: the
extension of individual freedoms and rights that was occurring and
government regulation of capitalism. These splits produced four separate
political cultures that neither political party has been able to contain.
Two majoritarian positions have emerged: majorities favor the extension of
civil rights and freedoms to many, and majorities favor less regulation of
capitalism and the economy. But there are strong minorities who dissent
from both these positions. Moral conservatives and the religious have
reservations on many issues such as abortion and homosexuality. On the
other hand, people who define themselves as progressives argue for more
regulation of industry and the economy, such as pollution regulations and
worker rights. Political entrepreneurs and the media have seized on these
issues and have produced a more polarized society.
9The Intensification of Populism and the Declining Legitimacy of Elites
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the new populism castigates all elites in society
as illegitimate. It has arisen and become successful because of two major
changes in American society. First, the intensification of individualism
has transferred authority to individuals and undermined that of elites in
society. Second, the breakdown of the center and the failure of both
parties to deal with economic and other problems has opened up space for
radical alternatives to flourish. The chapter discusses the types of
populism that emerge and the way that economic and cultural discourse
becomes connected to intensify populist antagonism to particular sets of
others.
10From Consensus to Culture Wars
chapter abstract
This chapter notes that local community politics is much less polarized
than the national political debate. This fact suggests that it is national
institutions that are responsible for the new politics of polarization. The
chapter discusses the sources of this change: (1) the changing trajectories
of the political parties, (2) deregulation of the national media, and (3)
the increasing importance of social media as megaphones of extremism.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
This chapter discusses three issues raised by the book: (1) whether
individualism can be the basis for national solidarity, (2) the future of
the current polarization of politics, and (3) populism and its future. It
presents several different possibilities and cautions that these futures
will be determined by both what happens in the United States and the fate
of globalization itself.
Contents and Abstracts
1Introduction
chapter abstract
The book argues that global events of the 1930s and the following decades
temporarily suspended key elements of the American creed. The role of
government became enlarged and a regulated capitalism emerged. The decades
of the post-1960s witnessed a reaction to these changes. An expanded
education system legitimated a surge in individualism and a decline in
citizen obligations. Emphasis on individual rights swelled, and individual
responsibilities became options. Fear of government as an enemy of
individual freedoms also grew. These developments were the seeds out of
which social and political polarization later grew. They also provided
support for intensified anti-elitism and its political
offspring-anti-establishment populism.
2The United States in Comparative Perspective
chapter abstract
This chapter surveys the elements of the traditional American creed. It is
the narrative of a frontier society that deemphasizes diversity of opinion
and culture. In its place this ethos imagines that all legitimate citizens
share a diffuse religion called the American way. In this depiction this
common belief system is the glue that holds society together society in
lieu of a strong state. It places a high value on conformity, though
equality of all citizens and individualism are also parts of the creed.
This folk culture supports populism as a political philosophy and source of
political action, anti-intellectualism and anti-scientific attitudes, and
exclusion of those who do not share this folk culture. Yet it provides
staunch support for deregulated capitalism and technological innovation.
This chapter shows with comparative public opinion data that U.S. political
culture continues to be different from that of other wealthy democracies.
3The Embedded State
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that American government is more embedded in society
than European democracies. This means that the boundaries between state and
civil society are weaker in the United States. This form of populist
democracy compels government officials to bargain with citizen groups over
policy. This feature helps account for the rapidity with which American
society can mobilize policy and resources if there is a popular consensus
for change. The same feature also allows for rapid demobilization once
popular interest has waned or when the public mood changes. Politicians
avoid legitimacy crises by using a form of decision making that produces
consensus but gives less weight to cost control and the evaluation of
outcomes. Congress passes legislation with broad goals. Decision makers in
regulatory agencies must then interpret the statutes and formulate the
working rules and outcomes. Cost control and evaluation of outcomes fall by
the wayside in this process.
4The Collectivist Moment
chapter abstract
The argument of this chapter is that the Great Depression of the 1930s
initiated a period of suspension of the classic American creed. Suddenly
government became legitimate as a collective actor in the struggle against
a major economic catastrophe. But its form did not change. The center
distributed resources and new authority to local governments. The federal
government did not centralize policy control because of the preferences of
Southern Democrats. The 1950s continued this process with the growth of the
national security state and the threat of the Cold War. The perception of
external threats also acted as a check on populism during this period.
5The Liberal Activist Society
chapter abstract
The optimism of the 1950s led to resurgence of two key elements of the
American creed: individualism and deregulated capitalism. Two movements
developed around these themes. First, movements pushing for the extension
of individual rights and freedoms resurfaced. Second, business groups began
the fight against a regulated economy. Liberals supporting the first agenda
pushed for more government spending to expand the welfare state and
education. The idea of the knowledge society was born. Supporting education
and the expansion of universities and science became legitimate government
responsibilities. Government funding for them soared. Civil society
responded by backing social movements pushing for the extension of
individual rights. But support for government expansion became contentious
among business groups and conservatives. Opposition to this plank of
liberalism was growing.
6The Intensification of Individualism and the Displacement of Citizenship
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the individual has become the main social
construct of society. Its significance displaces the idea of citizenship,
which includes a variety of obligations as well as rights. Becoming
educated has become the major responsibility of children and parents.
Education is now the secular religion of society and the way to produce
rational and moral individuals. One result is to reduce the charisma and
authority of many institutions and to confer it on educated individuals.
This transformation of authority in society has paved the way for radical
forms of populism based on generalized anti-elitism.
7The Growth of Big Government and the Conservative Counterattack
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that government growth produced a backlash from those
who saw it as an attack on a key feature of the American creed: the
hegemony of capitalism in America. The chapter describes the decline of the
liberal state and the growing unwillingness of political elites to fund it.
Business elites fought the regulated capitalism of the postwar period by
mobilizing politically. These attacks escalated and focused on starving
government of funds both by cutting taxes, particularly on business and the
wealthy, and by refusing to borrow money to finance government projects.
They successfully revived that part of the American creed that supported
individual freedom to thrive through their own economic efforts. The
chapter also describes key changes in society that result from an expanded
state.
8The Breakup of the Postwar Order
chapter abstract
This chapter describes the dissent that emerged in the post-1960s era. It
argues that conflict grew around two elements of the American creed: the
extension of individual freedoms and rights that was occurring and
government regulation of capitalism. These splits produced four separate
political cultures that neither political party has been able to contain.
Two majoritarian positions have emerged: majorities favor the extension of
civil rights and freedoms to many, and majorities favor less regulation of
capitalism and the economy. But there are strong minorities who dissent
from both these positions. Moral conservatives and the religious have
reservations on many issues such as abortion and homosexuality. On the
other hand, people who define themselves as progressives argue for more
regulation of industry and the economy, such as pollution regulations and
worker rights. Political entrepreneurs and the media have seized on these
issues and have produced a more polarized society.
9The Intensification of Populism and the Declining Legitimacy of Elites
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the new populism castigates all elites in society
as illegitimate. It has arisen and become successful because of two major
changes in American society. First, the intensification of individualism
has transferred authority to individuals and undermined that of elites in
society. Second, the breakdown of the center and the failure of both
parties to deal with economic and other problems has opened up space for
radical alternatives to flourish. The chapter discusses the types of
populism that emerge and the way that economic and cultural discourse
becomes connected to intensify populist antagonism to particular sets of
others.
10From Consensus to Culture Wars
chapter abstract
This chapter notes that local community politics is much less polarized
than the national political debate. This fact suggests that it is national
institutions that are responsible for the new politics of polarization. The
chapter discusses the sources of this change: (1) the changing trajectories
of the political parties, (2) deregulation of the national media, and (3)
the increasing importance of social media as megaphones of extremism.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
This chapter discusses three issues raised by the book: (1) whether
individualism can be the basis for national solidarity, (2) the future of
the current polarization of politics, and (3) populism and its future. It
presents several different possibilities and cautions that these futures
will be determined by both what happens in the United States and the fate
of globalization itself.
1Introduction
chapter abstract
The book argues that global events of the 1930s and the following decades
temporarily suspended key elements of the American creed. The role of
government became enlarged and a regulated capitalism emerged. The decades
of the post-1960s witnessed a reaction to these changes. An expanded
education system legitimated a surge in individualism and a decline in
citizen obligations. Emphasis on individual rights swelled, and individual
responsibilities became options. Fear of government as an enemy of
individual freedoms also grew. These developments were the seeds out of
which social and political polarization later grew. They also provided
support for intensified anti-elitism and its political
offspring-anti-establishment populism.
2The United States in Comparative Perspective
chapter abstract
This chapter surveys the elements of the traditional American creed. It is
the narrative of a frontier society that deemphasizes diversity of opinion
and culture. In its place this ethos imagines that all legitimate citizens
share a diffuse religion called the American way. In this depiction this
common belief system is the glue that holds society together society in
lieu of a strong state. It places a high value on conformity, though
equality of all citizens and individualism are also parts of the creed.
This folk culture supports populism as a political philosophy and source of
political action, anti-intellectualism and anti-scientific attitudes, and
exclusion of those who do not share this folk culture. Yet it provides
staunch support for deregulated capitalism and technological innovation.
This chapter shows with comparative public opinion data that U.S. political
culture continues to be different from that of other wealthy democracies.
3The Embedded State
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that American government is more embedded in society
than European democracies. This means that the boundaries between state and
civil society are weaker in the United States. This form of populist
democracy compels government officials to bargain with citizen groups over
policy. This feature helps account for the rapidity with which American
society can mobilize policy and resources if there is a popular consensus
for change. The same feature also allows for rapid demobilization once
popular interest has waned or when the public mood changes. Politicians
avoid legitimacy crises by using a form of decision making that produces
consensus but gives less weight to cost control and the evaluation of
outcomes. Congress passes legislation with broad goals. Decision makers in
regulatory agencies must then interpret the statutes and formulate the
working rules and outcomes. Cost control and evaluation of outcomes fall by
the wayside in this process.
4The Collectivist Moment
chapter abstract
The argument of this chapter is that the Great Depression of the 1930s
initiated a period of suspension of the classic American creed. Suddenly
government became legitimate as a collective actor in the struggle against
a major economic catastrophe. But its form did not change. The center
distributed resources and new authority to local governments. The federal
government did not centralize policy control because of the preferences of
Southern Democrats. The 1950s continued this process with the growth of the
national security state and the threat of the Cold War. The perception of
external threats also acted as a check on populism during this period.
5The Liberal Activist Society
chapter abstract
The optimism of the 1950s led to resurgence of two key elements of the
American creed: individualism and deregulated capitalism. Two movements
developed around these themes. First, movements pushing for the extension
of individual rights and freedoms resurfaced. Second, business groups began
the fight against a regulated economy. Liberals supporting the first agenda
pushed for more government spending to expand the welfare state and
education. The idea of the knowledge society was born. Supporting education
and the expansion of universities and science became legitimate government
responsibilities. Government funding for them soared. Civil society
responded by backing social movements pushing for the extension of
individual rights. But support for government expansion became contentious
among business groups and conservatives. Opposition to this plank of
liberalism was growing.
6The Intensification of Individualism and the Displacement of Citizenship
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the individual has become the main social
construct of society. Its significance displaces the idea of citizenship,
which includes a variety of obligations as well as rights. Becoming
educated has become the major responsibility of children and parents.
Education is now the secular religion of society and the way to produce
rational and moral individuals. One result is to reduce the charisma and
authority of many institutions and to confer it on educated individuals.
This transformation of authority in society has paved the way for radical
forms of populism based on generalized anti-elitism.
7The Growth of Big Government and the Conservative Counterattack
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that government growth produced a backlash from those
who saw it as an attack on a key feature of the American creed: the
hegemony of capitalism in America. The chapter describes the decline of the
liberal state and the growing unwillingness of political elites to fund it.
Business elites fought the regulated capitalism of the postwar period by
mobilizing politically. These attacks escalated and focused on starving
government of funds both by cutting taxes, particularly on business and the
wealthy, and by refusing to borrow money to finance government projects.
They successfully revived that part of the American creed that supported
individual freedom to thrive through their own economic efforts. The
chapter also describes key changes in society that result from an expanded
state.
8The Breakup of the Postwar Order
chapter abstract
This chapter describes the dissent that emerged in the post-1960s era. It
argues that conflict grew around two elements of the American creed: the
extension of individual freedoms and rights that was occurring and
government regulation of capitalism. These splits produced four separate
political cultures that neither political party has been able to contain.
Two majoritarian positions have emerged: majorities favor the extension of
civil rights and freedoms to many, and majorities favor less regulation of
capitalism and the economy. But there are strong minorities who dissent
from both these positions. Moral conservatives and the religious have
reservations on many issues such as abortion and homosexuality. On the
other hand, people who define themselves as progressives argue for more
regulation of industry and the economy, such as pollution regulations and
worker rights. Political entrepreneurs and the media have seized on these
issues and have produced a more polarized society.
9The Intensification of Populism and the Declining Legitimacy of Elites
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that the new populism castigates all elites in society
as illegitimate. It has arisen and become successful because of two major
changes in American society. First, the intensification of individualism
has transferred authority to individuals and undermined that of elites in
society. Second, the breakdown of the center and the failure of both
parties to deal with economic and other problems has opened up space for
radical alternatives to flourish. The chapter discusses the types of
populism that emerge and the way that economic and cultural discourse
becomes connected to intensify populist antagonism to particular sets of
others.
10From Consensus to Culture Wars
chapter abstract
This chapter notes that local community politics is much less polarized
than the national political debate. This fact suggests that it is national
institutions that are responsible for the new politics of polarization. The
chapter discusses the sources of this change: (1) the changing trajectories
of the political parties, (2) deregulation of the national media, and (3)
the increasing importance of social media as megaphones of extremism.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
This chapter discusses three issues raised by the book: (1) whether
individualism can be the basis for national solidarity, (2) the future of
the current polarization of politics, and (3) populism and its future. It
presents several different possibilities and cautions that these futures
will be determined by both what happens in the United States and the fate
of globalization itself.