Eduardo Moncada
Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America
Eduardo Moncada
Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America
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Eduardo Moncada is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Barnard College¿Columbia University.
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Eduardo Moncada is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Barnard College¿Columbia University.
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Produktdetails
- Produktdetails
- Verlag: Stanford University Press
- Seitenzahl: 248
- Erscheinungstermin: 6. Januar 2016
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 237mm x 161mm x 22mm
- Gewicht: 500g
- ISBN-13: 9780804794176
- ISBN-10: 0804794170
- Artikelnr.: 42798881
- Verlag: Stanford University Press
- Seitenzahl: 248
- Erscheinungstermin: 6. Januar 2016
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 237mm x 161mm x 22mm
- Gewicht: 500g
- ISBN-13: 9780804794176
- ISBN-10: 0804794170
- Artikelnr.: 42798881
Eduardo Moncada is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Barnard College-Columbia University.
Contents and Abstracts
1Rethinking the Politics of Urban Violence
chapter abstract
This chapter outlines the challenges that urban violence poses for
development and establishes why existing analytical approaches to this area
of study offer limited leverage for explaining the politics of urban
violence. To develop a stronger analytic approach the chapter develops a
framework in response to three overarching questions: (1) What shapes the
preferences of both the private sector and city mayors regarding responses
to urban violence? (2) How do distinct types of local government-business
relations condition the ability of other political and social actors to
influence the politics of urban violence? and (3) How do patterns of armed
territorial control that vary in their levels of homicides and coordination
in criminal leadership facilitate or constrain distinct types of responses
to urban violence? The chapter previews the research design, methodology,
and the comparative empirical analyses focused on Colombia's three
principal cities: Medellin, Cali, and Bogota.
2Parties, Clientelism, and Violence: Exclusionary Political Order in
Colombia
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that three inter-related factors explain the historical
resilience of exclusionary political order in Colombia. The first is
traditional elite party control over state institutions and resources as
part of a closed party system. Second is the institutionalization of
clientelism as a dominant linkage between citizens and the state. And third
is the use of violence as an extension of political competition, a response
to threats against the established political order, and a tool for varied
armed actors to defend and expand territorial control. By tracing changes
in these individual factors as well as the links between them over time,
the chapter establishes the broader political context that continues to
inform the contemporary politics of urban violence. The discussion shows
why political projects in response to urban violence represent valuable
opportunities for political, economic, and social actors to preserve and
advance their individual interests.
3Medellin: Reshaping Political Order in the World's Most Violent City
chapter abstract
This chapter provides a within-case analysis of contrasting outcomes in the
politics of urban violence in Medellin. In the early 1990s disengaged
relations between local government and business coupled with fragmented
armed territorial control derailed the city's first participatory political
project in response to urban violence. A decade collaborative relations
emerged between business and a local government led by mayor Sergio
Fajardo, and territorial control shifted into a monopoly under the
authority of a former paramilitary leader. This combination helped to
successfully sustain a second participatory political project that was used
to rebrand Medellin as an emerging global city. The analysis shows that the
reality of the Medellin miracle is far more complex than either its
political architects or international donors concede, and is emblematic of
the significant ways in which the politics of urban violence can reshape
political order in major developing world cities.
4Cali: The Derailment of a Pioneering Participatory Project
chapter abstract
This chapter analyzes within-case variation in the institutional outcomes
of the politics of urban violence in Cali. In the early 1990s a
participatory political project developed by mayor Rodrigo Guerrero was
derailed amidst conflictive relations between local government and business
along with a pattern of fragmented armed territorial control. Efforts to
deepen the political incorporation of marginalized communities and
resocialize members of youth gangs were derailed by the interaction between
private sector opposition, high levels of lethal violence, and low
coordination in criminal leadership. Cali's second participatory project in
the early 2000s also faltered when confronted with increased conflict in
local government-business relations and escalating homicides amidst further
fragmentation in criminal leadership with the arrival of drug trafficking
organizations, paramilitaries, and insurgencies into the city. The case of
Cali illustrates how conflictive relations and fragmented territorial
control can become mutually reinforcing and constrain participatory
political projects.
5Bogota: Building and Branding a Global City
chapter abstract
This chapter shows that Bogota's first participatory project in response to
urban violence emerged out of the surprise electoral victory of Antanas
Mockus to the mayor's office. Strong support from the city's business
community coupled with the atomized nature of armed territorial control
with low lethal violence and limited coordination in criminal leadership
sustained Bogota's participatory project. A decade later the election to
the mayor's office of a political leftist, Luis Eduardo Garzón, generated
tensions between local government and business regarding proposed
amendments to the participatory project's stance on public space and
informal vendors. The chapter reveals how mutual dependence between the
public and private sectors and overall alignment in preferences facilitated
compromise on this issue while the continued atomized territorial control
shielded the mayor against criticism. Today Bogota is considered a model of
urban governance in the developing world.
6The Politics of Urban Violence: Comparisons and Next Steps
chapter abstract
This chapter develops cross-case analyses of the politics of urban violence
in Colombia to highlight how the variables and mechanisms identified in the
analytic framework yield insights into the nature and trajectory of
political projects in response to violence across cities. The chapter
explores the generalizability of the framework's core dimensions through a
brief analysis of the case of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, where drug
trafficking-related violence has increased in recent years. The analysis
finds support for three key elements of the framework: (1) business is a
pivotal actor in the politics of urban violence, (2) clientelism shapes
political preferences regarding responses to urban violence, and (3)
patterns of armed territorial control influence the fortunes of political
projects in response to violence. The chapter concludes by outlining next
steps in the study of urban violence and, more broadly, urban politics in
the developing world.
1Rethinking the Politics of Urban Violence
chapter abstract
This chapter outlines the challenges that urban violence poses for
development and establishes why existing analytical approaches to this area
of study offer limited leverage for explaining the politics of urban
violence. To develop a stronger analytic approach the chapter develops a
framework in response to three overarching questions: (1) What shapes the
preferences of both the private sector and city mayors regarding responses
to urban violence? (2) How do distinct types of local government-business
relations condition the ability of other political and social actors to
influence the politics of urban violence? and (3) How do patterns of armed
territorial control that vary in their levels of homicides and coordination
in criminal leadership facilitate or constrain distinct types of responses
to urban violence? The chapter previews the research design, methodology,
and the comparative empirical analyses focused on Colombia's three
principal cities: Medellin, Cali, and Bogota.
2Parties, Clientelism, and Violence: Exclusionary Political Order in
Colombia
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that three inter-related factors explain the historical
resilience of exclusionary political order in Colombia. The first is
traditional elite party control over state institutions and resources as
part of a closed party system. Second is the institutionalization of
clientelism as a dominant linkage between citizens and the state. And third
is the use of violence as an extension of political competition, a response
to threats against the established political order, and a tool for varied
armed actors to defend and expand territorial control. By tracing changes
in these individual factors as well as the links between them over time,
the chapter establishes the broader political context that continues to
inform the contemporary politics of urban violence. The discussion shows
why political projects in response to urban violence represent valuable
opportunities for political, economic, and social actors to preserve and
advance their individual interests.
3Medellin: Reshaping Political Order in the World's Most Violent City
chapter abstract
This chapter provides a within-case analysis of contrasting outcomes in the
politics of urban violence in Medellin. In the early 1990s disengaged
relations between local government and business coupled with fragmented
armed territorial control derailed the city's first participatory political
project in response to urban violence. A decade collaborative relations
emerged between business and a local government led by mayor Sergio
Fajardo, and territorial control shifted into a monopoly under the
authority of a former paramilitary leader. This combination helped to
successfully sustain a second participatory political project that was used
to rebrand Medellin as an emerging global city. The analysis shows that the
reality of the Medellin miracle is far more complex than either its
political architects or international donors concede, and is emblematic of
the significant ways in which the politics of urban violence can reshape
political order in major developing world cities.
4Cali: The Derailment of a Pioneering Participatory Project
chapter abstract
This chapter analyzes within-case variation in the institutional outcomes
of the politics of urban violence in Cali. In the early 1990s a
participatory political project developed by mayor Rodrigo Guerrero was
derailed amidst conflictive relations between local government and business
along with a pattern of fragmented armed territorial control. Efforts to
deepen the political incorporation of marginalized communities and
resocialize members of youth gangs were derailed by the interaction between
private sector opposition, high levels of lethal violence, and low
coordination in criminal leadership. Cali's second participatory project in
the early 2000s also faltered when confronted with increased conflict in
local government-business relations and escalating homicides amidst further
fragmentation in criminal leadership with the arrival of drug trafficking
organizations, paramilitaries, and insurgencies into the city. The case of
Cali illustrates how conflictive relations and fragmented territorial
control can become mutually reinforcing and constrain participatory
political projects.
5Bogota: Building and Branding a Global City
chapter abstract
This chapter shows that Bogota's first participatory project in response to
urban violence emerged out of the surprise electoral victory of Antanas
Mockus to the mayor's office. Strong support from the city's business
community coupled with the atomized nature of armed territorial control
with low lethal violence and limited coordination in criminal leadership
sustained Bogota's participatory project. A decade later the election to
the mayor's office of a political leftist, Luis Eduardo Garzón, generated
tensions between local government and business regarding proposed
amendments to the participatory project's stance on public space and
informal vendors. The chapter reveals how mutual dependence between the
public and private sectors and overall alignment in preferences facilitated
compromise on this issue while the continued atomized territorial control
shielded the mayor against criticism. Today Bogota is considered a model of
urban governance in the developing world.
6The Politics of Urban Violence: Comparisons and Next Steps
chapter abstract
This chapter develops cross-case analyses of the politics of urban violence
in Colombia to highlight how the variables and mechanisms identified in the
analytic framework yield insights into the nature and trajectory of
political projects in response to violence across cities. The chapter
explores the generalizability of the framework's core dimensions through a
brief analysis of the case of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, where drug
trafficking-related violence has increased in recent years. The analysis
finds support for three key elements of the framework: (1) business is a
pivotal actor in the politics of urban violence, (2) clientelism shapes
political preferences regarding responses to urban violence, and (3)
patterns of armed territorial control influence the fortunes of political
projects in response to violence. The chapter concludes by outlining next
steps in the study of urban violence and, more broadly, urban politics in
the developing world.
Contents and Abstracts
1Rethinking the Politics of Urban Violence
chapter abstract
This chapter outlines the challenges that urban violence poses for
development and establishes why existing analytical approaches to this area
of study offer limited leverage for explaining the politics of urban
violence. To develop a stronger analytic approach the chapter develops a
framework in response to three overarching questions: (1) What shapes the
preferences of both the private sector and city mayors regarding responses
to urban violence? (2) How do distinct types of local government-business
relations condition the ability of other political and social actors to
influence the politics of urban violence? and (3) How do patterns of armed
territorial control that vary in their levels of homicides and coordination
in criminal leadership facilitate or constrain distinct types of responses
to urban violence? The chapter previews the research design, methodology,
and the comparative empirical analyses focused on Colombia's three
principal cities: Medellin, Cali, and Bogota.
2Parties, Clientelism, and Violence: Exclusionary Political Order in
Colombia
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that three inter-related factors explain the historical
resilience of exclusionary political order in Colombia. The first is
traditional elite party control over state institutions and resources as
part of a closed party system. Second is the institutionalization of
clientelism as a dominant linkage between citizens and the state. And third
is the use of violence as an extension of political competition, a response
to threats against the established political order, and a tool for varied
armed actors to defend and expand territorial control. By tracing changes
in these individual factors as well as the links between them over time,
the chapter establishes the broader political context that continues to
inform the contemporary politics of urban violence. The discussion shows
why political projects in response to urban violence represent valuable
opportunities for political, economic, and social actors to preserve and
advance their individual interests.
3Medellin: Reshaping Political Order in the World's Most Violent City
chapter abstract
This chapter provides a within-case analysis of contrasting outcomes in the
politics of urban violence in Medellin. In the early 1990s disengaged
relations between local government and business coupled with fragmented
armed territorial control derailed the city's first participatory political
project in response to urban violence. A decade collaborative relations
emerged between business and a local government led by mayor Sergio
Fajardo, and territorial control shifted into a monopoly under the
authority of a former paramilitary leader. This combination helped to
successfully sustain a second participatory political project that was used
to rebrand Medellin as an emerging global city. The analysis shows that the
reality of the Medellin miracle is far more complex than either its
political architects or international donors concede, and is emblematic of
the significant ways in which the politics of urban violence can reshape
political order in major developing world cities.
4Cali: The Derailment of a Pioneering Participatory Project
chapter abstract
This chapter analyzes within-case variation in the institutional outcomes
of the politics of urban violence in Cali. In the early 1990s a
participatory political project developed by mayor Rodrigo Guerrero was
derailed amidst conflictive relations between local government and business
along with a pattern of fragmented armed territorial control. Efforts to
deepen the political incorporation of marginalized communities and
resocialize members of youth gangs were derailed by the interaction between
private sector opposition, high levels of lethal violence, and low
coordination in criminal leadership. Cali's second participatory project in
the early 2000s also faltered when confronted with increased conflict in
local government-business relations and escalating homicides amidst further
fragmentation in criminal leadership with the arrival of drug trafficking
organizations, paramilitaries, and insurgencies into the city. The case of
Cali illustrates how conflictive relations and fragmented territorial
control can become mutually reinforcing and constrain participatory
political projects.
5Bogota: Building and Branding a Global City
chapter abstract
This chapter shows that Bogota's first participatory project in response to
urban violence emerged out of the surprise electoral victory of Antanas
Mockus to the mayor's office. Strong support from the city's business
community coupled with the atomized nature of armed territorial control
with low lethal violence and limited coordination in criminal leadership
sustained Bogota's participatory project. A decade later the election to
the mayor's office of a political leftist, Luis Eduardo Garzón, generated
tensions between local government and business regarding proposed
amendments to the participatory project's stance on public space and
informal vendors. The chapter reveals how mutual dependence between the
public and private sectors and overall alignment in preferences facilitated
compromise on this issue while the continued atomized territorial control
shielded the mayor against criticism. Today Bogota is considered a model of
urban governance in the developing world.
6The Politics of Urban Violence: Comparisons and Next Steps
chapter abstract
This chapter develops cross-case analyses of the politics of urban violence
in Colombia to highlight how the variables and mechanisms identified in the
analytic framework yield insights into the nature and trajectory of
political projects in response to violence across cities. The chapter
explores the generalizability of the framework's core dimensions through a
brief analysis of the case of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, where drug
trafficking-related violence has increased in recent years. The analysis
finds support for three key elements of the framework: (1) business is a
pivotal actor in the politics of urban violence, (2) clientelism shapes
political preferences regarding responses to urban violence, and (3)
patterns of armed territorial control influence the fortunes of political
projects in response to violence. The chapter concludes by outlining next
steps in the study of urban violence and, more broadly, urban politics in
the developing world.
1Rethinking the Politics of Urban Violence
chapter abstract
This chapter outlines the challenges that urban violence poses for
development and establishes why existing analytical approaches to this area
of study offer limited leverage for explaining the politics of urban
violence. To develop a stronger analytic approach the chapter develops a
framework in response to three overarching questions: (1) What shapes the
preferences of both the private sector and city mayors regarding responses
to urban violence? (2) How do distinct types of local government-business
relations condition the ability of other political and social actors to
influence the politics of urban violence? and (3) How do patterns of armed
territorial control that vary in their levels of homicides and coordination
in criminal leadership facilitate or constrain distinct types of responses
to urban violence? The chapter previews the research design, methodology,
and the comparative empirical analyses focused on Colombia's three
principal cities: Medellin, Cali, and Bogota.
2Parties, Clientelism, and Violence: Exclusionary Political Order in
Colombia
chapter abstract
This chapter argues that three inter-related factors explain the historical
resilience of exclusionary political order in Colombia. The first is
traditional elite party control over state institutions and resources as
part of a closed party system. Second is the institutionalization of
clientelism as a dominant linkage between citizens and the state. And third
is the use of violence as an extension of political competition, a response
to threats against the established political order, and a tool for varied
armed actors to defend and expand territorial control. By tracing changes
in these individual factors as well as the links between them over time,
the chapter establishes the broader political context that continues to
inform the contemporary politics of urban violence. The discussion shows
why political projects in response to urban violence represent valuable
opportunities for political, economic, and social actors to preserve and
advance their individual interests.
3Medellin: Reshaping Political Order in the World's Most Violent City
chapter abstract
This chapter provides a within-case analysis of contrasting outcomes in the
politics of urban violence in Medellin. In the early 1990s disengaged
relations between local government and business coupled with fragmented
armed territorial control derailed the city's first participatory political
project in response to urban violence. A decade collaborative relations
emerged between business and a local government led by mayor Sergio
Fajardo, and territorial control shifted into a monopoly under the
authority of a former paramilitary leader. This combination helped to
successfully sustain a second participatory political project that was used
to rebrand Medellin as an emerging global city. The analysis shows that the
reality of the Medellin miracle is far more complex than either its
political architects or international donors concede, and is emblematic of
the significant ways in which the politics of urban violence can reshape
political order in major developing world cities.
4Cali: The Derailment of a Pioneering Participatory Project
chapter abstract
This chapter analyzes within-case variation in the institutional outcomes
of the politics of urban violence in Cali. In the early 1990s a
participatory political project developed by mayor Rodrigo Guerrero was
derailed amidst conflictive relations between local government and business
along with a pattern of fragmented armed territorial control. Efforts to
deepen the political incorporation of marginalized communities and
resocialize members of youth gangs were derailed by the interaction between
private sector opposition, high levels of lethal violence, and low
coordination in criminal leadership. Cali's second participatory project in
the early 2000s also faltered when confronted with increased conflict in
local government-business relations and escalating homicides amidst further
fragmentation in criminal leadership with the arrival of drug trafficking
organizations, paramilitaries, and insurgencies into the city. The case of
Cali illustrates how conflictive relations and fragmented territorial
control can become mutually reinforcing and constrain participatory
political projects.
5Bogota: Building and Branding a Global City
chapter abstract
This chapter shows that Bogota's first participatory project in response to
urban violence emerged out of the surprise electoral victory of Antanas
Mockus to the mayor's office. Strong support from the city's business
community coupled with the atomized nature of armed territorial control
with low lethal violence and limited coordination in criminal leadership
sustained Bogota's participatory project. A decade later the election to
the mayor's office of a political leftist, Luis Eduardo Garzón, generated
tensions between local government and business regarding proposed
amendments to the participatory project's stance on public space and
informal vendors. The chapter reveals how mutual dependence between the
public and private sectors and overall alignment in preferences facilitated
compromise on this issue while the continued atomized territorial control
shielded the mayor against criticism. Today Bogota is considered a model of
urban governance in the developing world.
6The Politics of Urban Violence: Comparisons and Next Steps
chapter abstract
This chapter develops cross-case analyses of the politics of urban violence
in Colombia to highlight how the variables and mechanisms identified in the
analytic framework yield insights into the nature and trajectory of
political projects in response to violence across cities. The chapter
explores the generalizability of the framework's core dimensions through a
brief analysis of the case of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, where drug
trafficking-related violence has increased in recent years. The analysis
finds support for three key elements of the framework: (1) business is a
pivotal actor in the politics of urban violence, (2) clientelism shapes
political preferences regarding responses to urban violence, and (3)
patterns of armed territorial control influence the fortunes of political
projects in response to violence. The chapter concludes by outlining next
steps in the study of urban violence and, more broadly, urban politics in
the developing world.