Jurgen Ruland
The Indonesian Way
Asean, Europeanization, and Foreign Policy Debates in a New Democracy
Jurgen Ruland
The Indonesian Way
Asean, Europeanization, and Foreign Policy Debates in a New Democracy
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J¿rgen R¿land is Professor of International Politics in the Department of Political Science and Chairperson of the Southeast Asia Program at the University of Freiburg.
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J¿rgen R¿land is Professor of International Politics in the Department of Political Science and Chairperson of the Southeast Asia Program at the University of Freiburg.
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Produktdetails
- Produktdetails
- Studies in Asian Security
- Verlag: Stanford University Press
- Seitenzahl: 312
- Erscheinungstermin: 12. Dezember 2017
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 231mm x 157mm x 23mm
- Gewicht: 612g
- ISBN-13: 9781503602854
- ISBN-10: 1503602850
- Artikelnr.: 47770865
- Studies in Asian Security
- Verlag: Stanford University Press
- Seitenzahl: 312
- Erscheinungstermin: 12. Dezember 2017
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 231mm x 157mm x 23mm
- Gewicht: 612g
- ISBN-13: 9781503602854
- ISBN-10: 1503602850
- Artikelnr.: 47770865
Jürgen Rüland is Professor of International Politics in the Department of Political Science and Chairperson of the Southeast Asia Program at the University of Freiburg.
Contents and Abstracts
1Introduction
chapter abstract
This chapter contextualizes the study in current debates on the effects of
norm diffusion. Research intellectually influenced by world polity theory
projects an increasing similarity of regional organizations as a result of
two concurring processes: the promotion of the European model of regional
integration by the EU and the model's imitation by other regional
organizations. Highlighting diversity, this book takes a different
perspective. It argues that world polity theory overemphasizes structural
similarities and underestimates cultural differences, thus lacking context
sensitivity. By grounding the research in Eisenstadt's "multiple
modernities" paradigm, the chapter argues that the belief in only one
modernity is a myth and that modern institutions are socially and
culturally embedded. As culture is diverse and path dependent,
terminological and organizational similarities tend to be superficial and
often conceal extant normative underpinnings, which do not match the
seemingly appropriated model of regional integration.
2Theory and Methodology
chapter abstract
The chapter develops an essentially constructivist theoretical framework
that strongly draws from Amitav Acharya's theory of "constitutive
localization." It nuances Acharya's theory to make its outward-in
perspective compatible with a bottom-up analysis of ideational discourses.
Acharya conceptualizes recipients of external normative challenges less as
passive norm-takers than as agents that actively reconstruct foreign norms
to make them congruent with their own local norms. Constitutive
localization thus transcends strongly Western-centric, modernization
theory-driven approaches to norm diffusion and helps to add Southern
perspectives to IR and regionalism studies. The second part of the chapter
details the study's methodology, including case selection, selection of
foreign policy stakeholder groups, and research techniques. The latter are
largely qualitative and interpretive and rely strongly on discourse
analysis of newspaper articles, other written materials, public speeches,
and expert interviews.
3The "Cognitive Prior" and the European Challenge
chapter abstract
This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the "cognitive
prior." It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and
ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered by the Asian
Financial Crisis (1997-1998), which discredited the ASEAN Way as ASEAN's
established repository of cooperation norms. The chapter shows how the
worldviews of Indonesian foreign policy elites have been shaped by adverse
historical experiences, which have evoked on the one hand strong sentiments
of insecurity and vulnerability, on the other, a strong sense of
entitlement to regional leadership. At the regional level, the cognitive
prior is strongly influenced by Westphalian sovereignty norms. In the
aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis the ASEAN Way was challenged by
external and domestic critics, climaxing with the ASEAN Charter debate. The
chapter ends with an analysis of the institutional changes the Charter
inaugurated and the ideas and norms it seemingly appropriated from the EU.
4The Indonesian Government and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The Indonesian government was the most significant actor in the ASEAN
Charter debate and the relevance of regionalism for Indonesia's foreign
policy. It negotiated the Charter with the other ASEAN governments and
strongly influenced the domestic debate on ASEAN and Indonesia's role in
it. The chapter outlines changes in Indonesian foreign policymaking, which
became a multistakeholder process after the demise of President Suharto's
authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998. Applying Acharya's localization
theory, it examines how leading government exponents-the president, the
foreign minister, and high-ranking diplomats-framed, grafted, and pruned
European concepts of regional integration. The chapter shows that although
the Indonesian government was the most vocal among ASEAN members in
propagating EU-style reforms, it localized core reformist concepts such as
democracy and human rights with extant local ideas such as organicism, soft
law, leadership ambitions, ancient welfare and security conceptions, and
the ASEAN Way.
5Non-Governmental Organizations and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Non-governmental organizations were the main antipode to the Indonesian
government in the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter shows how NGOs
proliferated in Indonesia's post-1998 democratization and became major
actors in the country's domestic politics, including the debate on
Indonesia's ASEAN policies. The chapter examines how civil society
activists localized European concepts of regional integration. NGOs
promoted bolder reforms than did the government, focusing on popular
empowerment in regional decision making, human rights protection, and
social benefits for the less advantaged segments of society. NGOs pleaded
for an "alternative regionalism" or "regionalism from below," which
critically evaluated ASEAN's government-driven market-opening reforms. Even
more than the government, NGOs also imported ideas on regionalism not only
from Europe, but also from Latin America and Africa. Yet NGOs, too,
localized these alien concepts of regionalism with extant ideas on welfare,
organicism, anticapitalist traditions, and-to a lesser extent-security.
6The Legislature and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter shows how as a consequence of democratization the Indonesian
legislature became a major stakeholder in Indonesian foreign policymaking.
Based on Acharya's localization theory, it goes on to scrutinize the
responses of Indonesian legislators to the external normative challenges
during the ASEAN Charter debate. One of the results is that Indonesian
legislators expect a reformed ASEAN to promote the democratization of
regional governance and increases in public welfare. Yet, unlike NGO
representatives, legislators avoided explicit calls for popular
empowerment. In sum, legislators, too, did not opt for a wholesale adoption
of European concepts of regional integration. They localized democracy
aspirations with ancient notions of leadership, organicist ideas, and
welfare concepts.
7The ASEAN Charter and the Academe
chapter abstract
The chapter details how in the last two decades the participation of
academics in Indonesian foreign policymaking broadened. While in the past
only a few think tanks provided input on the government's foreign policy
decisions, in the Era Reformasi many university scholars also became
foreign policy stakeholders. The chapter examines how the academe localized
European ideas on regionalism during the ASEAN Charter debate. While most
academics strongly opted for a democratization of regional governance and
the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism, the motivations
differed. One group supported such reforms from a strictly normative point
of view, others saw in them a leverage to increase ASEAN efficiency in the
wake of the challenges posed by rising regional giants China and India.
Academics localized European ideas of regionalism to a lesser extent than
the government and legislators. Yet they too fused them with extant local
ideas of security.
8The Press and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter highlights the changes in Indonesian print media after
democratization and their increased role in foreign policy debates and
discourses on regionalism. Based on Acharya's localization theory, the
chapter explores the print media's ideas on the reform of Southeast Asia's
regionalism. The print media contributed strongly to the ASEAN Charter
debate, stressing democracy, increased welfare, and security improvements
as major motivations for the reforms. While they, too, were receptive of
European ideas, in their articles and editorials journalists fused them
with the country's organicist traditions, leadership claims, soft power,
and notions of survivalism.
9Business and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Economic interest groups proliferated after the end of the Suharto regime.
They, too, became major stakeholders in foreign policy decisions,
especially those with implications for the international competitiveness of
Indonesian businesses. The chapter investigates how and to what extent
business representatives localized EU norms of regional integration.
Interestingly, public contributions of business interests to the Charter
debate were rare, and the economic implications of the ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC) envisaged in the Charter were discussed only much later.
Yet responses to the AEC's common market and production base differed.
While EU-style market-opening reforms were supported by large,
export-oriented firms, the majority of small- and medium-scale industries
producing for the domestic market rejected them. Business representatives
localized reforms imitating the EU model, too, thereby relying on ancient
prosperity ideas, the vulnerability discourse, leadership, and soft power.
10Indonesian Visions of Regionalism: From Yudhoyono to Jokowi
chapter abstract
With the "leadership frame," the chapter unearths a new interpretive frame
of the Charter from 2009 onward, suggesting a gradual return of extant
ideas of Indonesian foreign policymaking. The chapter also scrutinizes the
internalization of the new EU-inspired ideas of regionalism. The litmus
tests were events in which the territorial and economic sovereignty of
Indonesia was challenged, such as the disputes with Malaysia over maritime
borders and the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area. The response to these events
showed that most stakeholders except civil society threw overboard many of
the liberal-cosmopolitan values associated with European regional
integration. Last, the chapter examines whether this ideational reversal
continued under the Jokowi government and suggests that the latter did not
abruptly break with the foreign policy of his predecessor. Many of the
seemingly new Jokowi policies had their roots in the second term of the
Yudhoyono presidency.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
The chapter recapitulates the norm appropriation by the Indonesian foreign
policy community. Most stakeholders localized external ideas and norms. In
the process, the government was exposed to localization pressures by
nonstate actors from below. Legislators and business representatives mainly
drew from extant beliefs, while in their majority NGOs, academics, and the
press vocally propagated the European ideas of regional integration. By
charting additional pathways of norm diffusion and distinguishing defensive
and offensive localization, the study nuanced existing norm diffusion
theory. Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders also imported ideas from
Africa and Latin America, making norm diffusion an omnidirectional process.
The study provides strong evidence that ASEAN's cooperation norms continue
to differ from the EU. Highlighting the normative agency of Indonesian
foreign policy stakeholders, the study contributes to the project of a
Global IR, which more than hitherto takes into account events and processes
in the Global South.
1Introduction
chapter abstract
This chapter contextualizes the study in current debates on the effects of
norm diffusion. Research intellectually influenced by world polity theory
projects an increasing similarity of regional organizations as a result of
two concurring processes: the promotion of the European model of regional
integration by the EU and the model's imitation by other regional
organizations. Highlighting diversity, this book takes a different
perspective. It argues that world polity theory overemphasizes structural
similarities and underestimates cultural differences, thus lacking context
sensitivity. By grounding the research in Eisenstadt's "multiple
modernities" paradigm, the chapter argues that the belief in only one
modernity is a myth and that modern institutions are socially and
culturally embedded. As culture is diverse and path dependent,
terminological and organizational similarities tend to be superficial and
often conceal extant normative underpinnings, which do not match the
seemingly appropriated model of regional integration.
2Theory and Methodology
chapter abstract
The chapter develops an essentially constructivist theoretical framework
that strongly draws from Amitav Acharya's theory of "constitutive
localization." It nuances Acharya's theory to make its outward-in
perspective compatible with a bottom-up analysis of ideational discourses.
Acharya conceptualizes recipients of external normative challenges less as
passive norm-takers than as agents that actively reconstruct foreign norms
to make them congruent with their own local norms. Constitutive
localization thus transcends strongly Western-centric, modernization
theory-driven approaches to norm diffusion and helps to add Southern
perspectives to IR and regionalism studies. The second part of the chapter
details the study's methodology, including case selection, selection of
foreign policy stakeholder groups, and research techniques. The latter are
largely qualitative and interpretive and rely strongly on discourse
analysis of newspaper articles, other written materials, public speeches,
and expert interviews.
3The "Cognitive Prior" and the European Challenge
chapter abstract
This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the "cognitive
prior." It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and
ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered by the Asian
Financial Crisis (1997-1998), which discredited the ASEAN Way as ASEAN's
established repository of cooperation norms. The chapter shows how the
worldviews of Indonesian foreign policy elites have been shaped by adverse
historical experiences, which have evoked on the one hand strong sentiments
of insecurity and vulnerability, on the other, a strong sense of
entitlement to regional leadership. At the regional level, the cognitive
prior is strongly influenced by Westphalian sovereignty norms. In the
aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis the ASEAN Way was challenged by
external and domestic critics, climaxing with the ASEAN Charter debate. The
chapter ends with an analysis of the institutional changes the Charter
inaugurated and the ideas and norms it seemingly appropriated from the EU.
4The Indonesian Government and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The Indonesian government was the most significant actor in the ASEAN
Charter debate and the relevance of regionalism for Indonesia's foreign
policy. It negotiated the Charter with the other ASEAN governments and
strongly influenced the domestic debate on ASEAN and Indonesia's role in
it. The chapter outlines changes in Indonesian foreign policymaking, which
became a multistakeholder process after the demise of President Suharto's
authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998. Applying Acharya's localization
theory, it examines how leading government exponents-the president, the
foreign minister, and high-ranking diplomats-framed, grafted, and pruned
European concepts of regional integration. The chapter shows that although
the Indonesian government was the most vocal among ASEAN members in
propagating EU-style reforms, it localized core reformist concepts such as
democracy and human rights with extant local ideas such as organicism, soft
law, leadership ambitions, ancient welfare and security conceptions, and
the ASEAN Way.
5Non-Governmental Organizations and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Non-governmental organizations were the main antipode to the Indonesian
government in the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter shows how NGOs
proliferated in Indonesia's post-1998 democratization and became major
actors in the country's domestic politics, including the debate on
Indonesia's ASEAN policies. The chapter examines how civil society
activists localized European concepts of regional integration. NGOs
promoted bolder reforms than did the government, focusing on popular
empowerment in regional decision making, human rights protection, and
social benefits for the less advantaged segments of society. NGOs pleaded
for an "alternative regionalism" or "regionalism from below," which
critically evaluated ASEAN's government-driven market-opening reforms. Even
more than the government, NGOs also imported ideas on regionalism not only
from Europe, but also from Latin America and Africa. Yet NGOs, too,
localized these alien concepts of regionalism with extant ideas on welfare,
organicism, anticapitalist traditions, and-to a lesser extent-security.
6The Legislature and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter shows how as a consequence of democratization the Indonesian
legislature became a major stakeholder in Indonesian foreign policymaking.
Based on Acharya's localization theory, it goes on to scrutinize the
responses of Indonesian legislators to the external normative challenges
during the ASEAN Charter debate. One of the results is that Indonesian
legislators expect a reformed ASEAN to promote the democratization of
regional governance and increases in public welfare. Yet, unlike NGO
representatives, legislators avoided explicit calls for popular
empowerment. In sum, legislators, too, did not opt for a wholesale adoption
of European concepts of regional integration. They localized democracy
aspirations with ancient notions of leadership, organicist ideas, and
welfare concepts.
7The ASEAN Charter and the Academe
chapter abstract
The chapter details how in the last two decades the participation of
academics in Indonesian foreign policymaking broadened. While in the past
only a few think tanks provided input on the government's foreign policy
decisions, in the Era Reformasi many university scholars also became
foreign policy stakeholders. The chapter examines how the academe localized
European ideas on regionalism during the ASEAN Charter debate. While most
academics strongly opted for a democratization of regional governance and
the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism, the motivations
differed. One group supported such reforms from a strictly normative point
of view, others saw in them a leverage to increase ASEAN efficiency in the
wake of the challenges posed by rising regional giants China and India.
Academics localized European ideas of regionalism to a lesser extent than
the government and legislators. Yet they too fused them with extant local
ideas of security.
8The Press and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter highlights the changes in Indonesian print media after
democratization and their increased role in foreign policy debates and
discourses on regionalism. Based on Acharya's localization theory, the
chapter explores the print media's ideas on the reform of Southeast Asia's
regionalism. The print media contributed strongly to the ASEAN Charter
debate, stressing democracy, increased welfare, and security improvements
as major motivations for the reforms. While they, too, were receptive of
European ideas, in their articles and editorials journalists fused them
with the country's organicist traditions, leadership claims, soft power,
and notions of survivalism.
9Business and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Economic interest groups proliferated after the end of the Suharto regime.
They, too, became major stakeholders in foreign policy decisions,
especially those with implications for the international competitiveness of
Indonesian businesses. The chapter investigates how and to what extent
business representatives localized EU norms of regional integration.
Interestingly, public contributions of business interests to the Charter
debate were rare, and the economic implications of the ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC) envisaged in the Charter were discussed only much later.
Yet responses to the AEC's common market and production base differed.
While EU-style market-opening reforms were supported by large,
export-oriented firms, the majority of small- and medium-scale industries
producing for the domestic market rejected them. Business representatives
localized reforms imitating the EU model, too, thereby relying on ancient
prosperity ideas, the vulnerability discourse, leadership, and soft power.
10Indonesian Visions of Regionalism: From Yudhoyono to Jokowi
chapter abstract
With the "leadership frame," the chapter unearths a new interpretive frame
of the Charter from 2009 onward, suggesting a gradual return of extant
ideas of Indonesian foreign policymaking. The chapter also scrutinizes the
internalization of the new EU-inspired ideas of regionalism. The litmus
tests were events in which the territorial and economic sovereignty of
Indonesia was challenged, such as the disputes with Malaysia over maritime
borders and the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area. The response to these events
showed that most stakeholders except civil society threw overboard many of
the liberal-cosmopolitan values associated with European regional
integration. Last, the chapter examines whether this ideational reversal
continued under the Jokowi government and suggests that the latter did not
abruptly break with the foreign policy of his predecessor. Many of the
seemingly new Jokowi policies had their roots in the second term of the
Yudhoyono presidency.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
The chapter recapitulates the norm appropriation by the Indonesian foreign
policy community. Most stakeholders localized external ideas and norms. In
the process, the government was exposed to localization pressures by
nonstate actors from below. Legislators and business representatives mainly
drew from extant beliefs, while in their majority NGOs, academics, and the
press vocally propagated the European ideas of regional integration. By
charting additional pathways of norm diffusion and distinguishing defensive
and offensive localization, the study nuanced existing norm diffusion
theory. Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders also imported ideas from
Africa and Latin America, making norm diffusion an omnidirectional process.
The study provides strong evidence that ASEAN's cooperation norms continue
to differ from the EU. Highlighting the normative agency of Indonesian
foreign policy stakeholders, the study contributes to the project of a
Global IR, which more than hitherto takes into account events and processes
in the Global South.
Contents and Abstracts
1Introduction
chapter abstract
This chapter contextualizes the study in current debates on the effects of
norm diffusion. Research intellectually influenced by world polity theory
projects an increasing similarity of regional organizations as a result of
two concurring processes: the promotion of the European model of regional
integration by the EU and the model's imitation by other regional
organizations. Highlighting diversity, this book takes a different
perspective. It argues that world polity theory overemphasizes structural
similarities and underestimates cultural differences, thus lacking context
sensitivity. By grounding the research in Eisenstadt's "multiple
modernities" paradigm, the chapter argues that the belief in only one
modernity is a myth and that modern institutions are socially and
culturally embedded. As culture is diverse and path dependent,
terminological and organizational similarities tend to be superficial and
often conceal extant normative underpinnings, which do not match the
seemingly appropriated model of regional integration.
2Theory and Methodology
chapter abstract
The chapter develops an essentially constructivist theoretical framework
that strongly draws from Amitav Acharya's theory of "constitutive
localization." It nuances Acharya's theory to make its outward-in
perspective compatible with a bottom-up analysis of ideational discourses.
Acharya conceptualizes recipients of external normative challenges less as
passive norm-takers than as agents that actively reconstruct foreign norms
to make them congruent with their own local norms. Constitutive
localization thus transcends strongly Western-centric, modernization
theory-driven approaches to norm diffusion and helps to add Southern
perspectives to IR and regionalism studies. The second part of the chapter
details the study's methodology, including case selection, selection of
foreign policy stakeholder groups, and research techniques. The latter are
largely qualitative and interpretive and rely strongly on discourse
analysis of newspaper articles, other written materials, public speeches,
and expert interviews.
3The "Cognitive Prior" and the European Challenge
chapter abstract
This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the "cognitive
prior." It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and
ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered by the Asian
Financial Crisis (1997-1998), which discredited the ASEAN Way as ASEAN's
established repository of cooperation norms. The chapter shows how the
worldviews of Indonesian foreign policy elites have been shaped by adverse
historical experiences, which have evoked on the one hand strong sentiments
of insecurity and vulnerability, on the other, a strong sense of
entitlement to regional leadership. At the regional level, the cognitive
prior is strongly influenced by Westphalian sovereignty norms. In the
aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis the ASEAN Way was challenged by
external and domestic critics, climaxing with the ASEAN Charter debate. The
chapter ends with an analysis of the institutional changes the Charter
inaugurated and the ideas and norms it seemingly appropriated from the EU.
4The Indonesian Government and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The Indonesian government was the most significant actor in the ASEAN
Charter debate and the relevance of regionalism for Indonesia's foreign
policy. It negotiated the Charter with the other ASEAN governments and
strongly influenced the domestic debate on ASEAN and Indonesia's role in
it. The chapter outlines changes in Indonesian foreign policymaking, which
became a multistakeholder process after the demise of President Suharto's
authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998. Applying Acharya's localization
theory, it examines how leading government exponents-the president, the
foreign minister, and high-ranking diplomats-framed, grafted, and pruned
European concepts of regional integration. The chapter shows that although
the Indonesian government was the most vocal among ASEAN members in
propagating EU-style reforms, it localized core reformist concepts such as
democracy and human rights with extant local ideas such as organicism, soft
law, leadership ambitions, ancient welfare and security conceptions, and
the ASEAN Way.
5Non-Governmental Organizations and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Non-governmental organizations were the main antipode to the Indonesian
government in the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter shows how NGOs
proliferated in Indonesia's post-1998 democratization and became major
actors in the country's domestic politics, including the debate on
Indonesia's ASEAN policies. The chapter examines how civil society
activists localized European concepts of regional integration. NGOs
promoted bolder reforms than did the government, focusing on popular
empowerment in regional decision making, human rights protection, and
social benefits for the less advantaged segments of society. NGOs pleaded
for an "alternative regionalism" or "regionalism from below," which
critically evaluated ASEAN's government-driven market-opening reforms. Even
more than the government, NGOs also imported ideas on regionalism not only
from Europe, but also from Latin America and Africa. Yet NGOs, too,
localized these alien concepts of regionalism with extant ideas on welfare,
organicism, anticapitalist traditions, and-to a lesser extent-security.
6The Legislature and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter shows how as a consequence of democratization the Indonesian
legislature became a major stakeholder in Indonesian foreign policymaking.
Based on Acharya's localization theory, it goes on to scrutinize the
responses of Indonesian legislators to the external normative challenges
during the ASEAN Charter debate. One of the results is that Indonesian
legislators expect a reformed ASEAN to promote the democratization of
regional governance and increases in public welfare. Yet, unlike NGO
representatives, legislators avoided explicit calls for popular
empowerment. In sum, legislators, too, did not opt for a wholesale adoption
of European concepts of regional integration. They localized democracy
aspirations with ancient notions of leadership, organicist ideas, and
welfare concepts.
7The ASEAN Charter and the Academe
chapter abstract
The chapter details how in the last two decades the participation of
academics in Indonesian foreign policymaking broadened. While in the past
only a few think tanks provided input on the government's foreign policy
decisions, in the Era Reformasi many university scholars also became
foreign policy stakeholders. The chapter examines how the academe localized
European ideas on regionalism during the ASEAN Charter debate. While most
academics strongly opted for a democratization of regional governance and
the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism, the motivations
differed. One group supported such reforms from a strictly normative point
of view, others saw in them a leverage to increase ASEAN efficiency in the
wake of the challenges posed by rising regional giants China and India.
Academics localized European ideas of regionalism to a lesser extent than
the government and legislators. Yet they too fused them with extant local
ideas of security.
8The Press and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter highlights the changes in Indonesian print media after
democratization and their increased role in foreign policy debates and
discourses on regionalism. Based on Acharya's localization theory, the
chapter explores the print media's ideas on the reform of Southeast Asia's
regionalism. The print media contributed strongly to the ASEAN Charter
debate, stressing democracy, increased welfare, and security improvements
as major motivations for the reforms. While they, too, were receptive of
European ideas, in their articles and editorials journalists fused them
with the country's organicist traditions, leadership claims, soft power,
and notions of survivalism.
9Business and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Economic interest groups proliferated after the end of the Suharto regime.
They, too, became major stakeholders in foreign policy decisions,
especially those with implications for the international competitiveness of
Indonesian businesses. The chapter investigates how and to what extent
business representatives localized EU norms of regional integration.
Interestingly, public contributions of business interests to the Charter
debate were rare, and the economic implications of the ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC) envisaged in the Charter were discussed only much later.
Yet responses to the AEC's common market and production base differed.
While EU-style market-opening reforms were supported by large,
export-oriented firms, the majority of small- and medium-scale industries
producing for the domestic market rejected them. Business representatives
localized reforms imitating the EU model, too, thereby relying on ancient
prosperity ideas, the vulnerability discourse, leadership, and soft power.
10Indonesian Visions of Regionalism: From Yudhoyono to Jokowi
chapter abstract
With the "leadership frame," the chapter unearths a new interpretive frame
of the Charter from 2009 onward, suggesting a gradual return of extant
ideas of Indonesian foreign policymaking. The chapter also scrutinizes the
internalization of the new EU-inspired ideas of regionalism. The litmus
tests were events in which the territorial and economic sovereignty of
Indonesia was challenged, such as the disputes with Malaysia over maritime
borders and the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area. The response to these events
showed that most stakeholders except civil society threw overboard many of
the liberal-cosmopolitan values associated with European regional
integration. Last, the chapter examines whether this ideational reversal
continued under the Jokowi government and suggests that the latter did not
abruptly break with the foreign policy of his predecessor. Many of the
seemingly new Jokowi policies had their roots in the second term of the
Yudhoyono presidency.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
The chapter recapitulates the norm appropriation by the Indonesian foreign
policy community. Most stakeholders localized external ideas and norms. In
the process, the government was exposed to localization pressures by
nonstate actors from below. Legislators and business representatives mainly
drew from extant beliefs, while in their majority NGOs, academics, and the
press vocally propagated the European ideas of regional integration. By
charting additional pathways of norm diffusion and distinguishing defensive
and offensive localization, the study nuanced existing norm diffusion
theory. Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders also imported ideas from
Africa and Latin America, making norm diffusion an omnidirectional process.
The study provides strong evidence that ASEAN's cooperation norms continue
to differ from the EU. Highlighting the normative agency of Indonesian
foreign policy stakeholders, the study contributes to the project of a
Global IR, which more than hitherto takes into account events and processes
in the Global South.
1Introduction
chapter abstract
This chapter contextualizes the study in current debates on the effects of
norm diffusion. Research intellectually influenced by world polity theory
projects an increasing similarity of regional organizations as a result of
two concurring processes: the promotion of the European model of regional
integration by the EU and the model's imitation by other regional
organizations. Highlighting diversity, this book takes a different
perspective. It argues that world polity theory overemphasizes structural
similarities and underestimates cultural differences, thus lacking context
sensitivity. By grounding the research in Eisenstadt's "multiple
modernities" paradigm, the chapter argues that the belief in only one
modernity is a myth and that modern institutions are socially and
culturally embedded. As culture is diverse and path dependent,
terminological and organizational similarities tend to be superficial and
often conceal extant normative underpinnings, which do not match the
seemingly appropriated model of regional integration.
2Theory and Methodology
chapter abstract
The chapter develops an essentially constructivist theoretical framework
that strongly draws from Amitav Acharya's theory of "constitutive
localization." It nuances Acharya's theory to make its outward-in
perspective compatible with a bottom-up analysis of ideational discourses.
Acharya conceptualizes recipients of external normative challenges less as
passive norm-takers than as agents that actively reconstruct foreign norms
to make them congruent with their own local norms. Constitutive
localization thus transcends strongly Western-centric, modernization
theory-driven approaches to norm diffusion and helps to add Southern
perspectives to IR and regionalism studies. The second part of the chapter
details the study's methodology, including case selection, selection of
foreign policy stakeholder groups, and research techniques. The latter are
largely qualitative and interpretive and rely strongly on discourse
analysis of newspaper articles, other written materials, public speeches,
and expert interviews.
3The "Cognitive Prior" and the European Challenge
chapter abstract
This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the "cognitive
prior." It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and
ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered by the Asian
Financial Crisis (1997-1998), which discredited the ASEAN Way as ASEAN's
established repository of cooperation norms. The chapter shows how the
worldviews of Indonesian foreign policy elites have been shaped by adverse
historical experiences, which have evoked on the one hand strong sentiments
of insecurity and vulnerability, on the other, a strong sense of
entitlement to regional leadership. At the regional level, the cognitive
prior is strongly influenced by Westphalian sovereignty norms. In the
aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis the ASEAN Way was challenged by
external and domestic critics, climaxing with the ASEAN Charter debate. The
chapter ends with an analysis of the institutional changes the Charter
inaugurated and the ideas and norms it seemingly appropriated from the EU.
4The Indonesian Government and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The Indonesian government was the most significant actor in the ASEAN
Charter debate and the relevance of regionalism for Indonesia's foreign
policy. It negotiated the Charter with the other ASEAN governments and
strongly influenced the domestic debate on ASEAN and Indonesia's role in
it. The chapter outlines changes in Indonesian foreign policymaking, which
became a multistakeholder process after the demise of President Suharto's
authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998. Applying Acharya's localization
theory, it examines how leading government exponents-the president, the
foreign minister, and high-ranking diplomats-framed, grafted, and pruned
European concepts of regional integration. The chapter shows that although
the Indonesian government was the most vocal among ASEAN members in
propagating EU-style reforms, it localized core reformist concepts such as
democracy and human rights with extant local ideas such as organicism, soft
law, leadership ambitions, ancient welfare and security conceptions, and
the ASEAN Way.
5Non-Governmental Organizations and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Non-governmental organizations were the main antipode to the Indonesian
government in the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter shows how NGOs
proliferated in Indonesia's post-1998 democratization and became major
actors in the country's domestic politics, including the debate on
Indonesia's ASEAN policies. The chapter examines how civil society
activists localized European concepts of regional integration. NGOs
promoted bolder reforms than did the government, focusing on popular
empowerment in regional decision making, human rights protection, and
social benefits for the less advantaged segments of society. NGOs pleaded
for an "alternative regionalism" or "regionalism from below," which
critically evaluated ASEAN's government-driven market-opening reforms. Even
more than the government, NGOs also imported ideas on regionalism not only
from Europe, but also from Latin America and Africa. Yet NGOs, too,
localized these alien concepts of regionalism with extant ideas on welfare,
organicism, anticapitalist traditions, and-to a lesser extent-security.
6The Legislature and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter shows how as a consequence of democratization the Indonesian
legislature became a major stakeholder in Indonesian foreign policymaking.
Based on Acharya's localization theory, it goes on to scrutinize the
responses of Indonesian legislators to the external normative challenges
during the ASEAN Charter debate. One of the results is that Indonesian
legislators expect a reformed ASEAN to promote the democratization of
regional governance and increases in public welfare. Yet, unlike NGO
representatives, legislators avoided explicit calls for popular
empowerment. In sum, legislators, too, did not opt for a wholesale adoption
of European concepts of regional integration. They localized democracy
aspirations with ancient notions of leadership, organicist ideas, and
welfare concepts.
7The ASEAN Charter and the Academe
chapter abstract
The chapter details how in the last two decades the participation of
academics in Indonesian foreign policymaking broadened. While in the past
only a few think tanks provided input on the government's foreign policy
decisions, in the Era Reformasi many university scholars also became
foreign policy stakeholders. The chapter examines how the academe localized
European ideas on regionalism during the ASEAN Charter debate. While most
academics strongly opted for a democratization of regional governance and
the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism, the motivations
differed. One group supported such reforms from a strictly normative point
of view, others saw in them a leverage to increase ASEAN efficiency in the
wake of the challenges posed by rising regional giants China and India.
Academics localized European ideas of regionalism to a lesser extent than
the government and legislators. Yet they too fused them with extant local
ideas of security.
8The Press and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
The chapter highlights the changes in Indonesian print media after
democratization and their increased role in foreign policy debates and
discourses on regionalism. Based on Acharya's localization theory, the
chapter explores the print media's ideas on the reform of Southeast Asia's
regionalism. The print media contributed strongly to the ASEAN Charter
debate, stressing democracy, increased welfare, and security improvements
as major motivations for the reforms. While they, too, were receptive of
European ideas, in their articles and editorials journalists fused them
with the country's organicist traditions, leadership claims, soft power,
and notions of survivalism.
9Business and the ASEAN Charter
chapter abstract
Economic interest groups proliferated after the end of the Suharto regime.
They, too, became major stakeholders in foreign policy decisions,
especially those with implications for the international competitiveness of
Indonesian businesses. The chapter investigates how and to what extent
business representatives localized EU norms of regional integration.
Interestingly, public contributions of business interests to the Charter
debate were rare, and the economic implications of the ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC) envisaged in the Charter were discussed only much later.
Yet responses to the AEC's common market and production base differed.
While EU-style market-opening reforms were supported by large,
export-oriented firms, the majority of small- and medium-scale industries
producing for the domestic market rejected them. Business representatives
localized reforms imitating the EU model, too, thereby relying on ancient
prosperity ideas, the vulnerability discourse, leadership, and soft power.
10Indonesian Visions of Regionalism: From Yudhoyono to Jokowi
chapter abstract
With the "leadership frame," the chapter unearths a new interpretive frame
of the Charter from 2009 onward, suggesting a gradual return of extant
ideas of Indonesian foreign policymaking. The chapter also scrutinizes the
internalization of the new EU-inspired ideas of regionalism. The litmus
tests were events in which the territorial and economic sovereignty of
Indonesia was challenged, such as the disputes with Malaysia over maritime
borders and the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area. The response to these events
showed that most stakeholders except civil society threw overboard many of
the liberal-cosmopolitan values associated with European regional
integration. Last, the chapter examines whether this ideational reversal
continued under the Jokowi government and suggests that the latter did not
abruptly break with the foreign policy of his predecessor. Many of the
seemingly new Jokowi policies had their roots in the second term of the
Yudhoyono presidency.
11Conclusion
chapter abstract
The chapter recapitulates the norm appropriation by the Indonesian foreign
policy community. Most stakeholders localized external ideas and norms. In
the process, the government was exposed to localization pressures by
nonstate actors from below. Legislators and business representatives mainly
drew from extant beliefs, while in their majority NGOs, academics, and the
press vocally propagated the European ideas of regional integration. By
charting additional pathways of norm diffusion and distinguishing defensive
and offensive localization, the study nuanced existing norm diffusion
theory. Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders also imported ideas from
Africa and Latin America, making norm diffusion an omnidirectional process.
The study provides strong evidence that ASEAN's cooperation norms continue
to differ from the EU. Highlighting the normative agency of Indonesian
foreign policy stakeholders, the study contributes to the project of a
Global IR, which more than hitherto takes into account events and processes
in the Global South.