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This introduction to nonviolent movements analyzes fourteen classic and contemporary cases to show how nonviolent strategies can work where violent warfare has failed. Drawing on practitioner knowledge and diverse philosophical and religious texts, Michael K. Duffey offers a multifaceted argument for embracing nonviolent resolutions to conflict.
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This introduction to nonviolent movements analyzes fourteen classic and contemporary cases to show how nonviolent strategies can work where violent warfare has failed. Drawing on practitioner knowledge and diverse philosophical and religious texts, Michael K. Duffey offers a multifaceted argument for embracing nonviolent resolutions to conflict.
Produktdetails
- Produktdetails
- Verlag: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
- Seitenzahl: 194
- Erscheinungstermin: 19. Juli 2021
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 235mm x 157mm x 15mm
- Gewicht: 442g
- ISBN-13: 9781538158579
- ISBN-10: 1538158574
- Artikelnr.: 61435908
- Verlag: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
- Seitenzahl: 194
- Erscheinungstermin: 19. Juli 2021
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 235mm x 157mm x 15mm
- Gewicht: 442g
- ISBN-13: 9781538158579
- ISBN-10: 1538158574
- Artikelnr.: 61435908
By Michael K. Duffey
As the title suggests, we must be committed to "war no more." The first
chapter of the book deals with seven U.S. wars of the twentieth and
twenty-first century, beginning with the two World Wars, then moves on to
the five wars of choice in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq (twice), and Afghanistan,
and asks how modern wars have failed to meet the criteria of morally
justifiable war as they are articulated in the just war tradition.
In Chapter Two, the book's treatment of nonviolence begins with Gandhi's
political insights and ascetic practices. After a detailed study of
Gandhi's nonviolence, an objection-that Gandhi could not have succeeded in
overcoming the rise of the Third Reich and German aggression-is answered.
The next three chapters examine eleven other nonviolent movements. (An
appendix looks at nonviolent movements that have not succeeded and asks
why.)
Chapter Six turns to U.S. violence in its foreign interventions and
domestic culture. Despite the successes of nonviolence in other places,
nonviolence is not part of the American habit of dealing with conflict
(with the exception of some domestic movements-the civil rights and migrant
farm workers movements, for example). To an extent, this is understandable.
Powerless groups may choose nonviolence because it is their only realistic
option, but recourse to nonviolence in the United States requires a choice
to "go against the grain." The end of the chapter turns to the barriers to
nonviolent activism: What has prevented more activism against violence?
The first half of Chapter Seven addresses the qualities of successful
movements, some illustrated by earlier cases in the book. Section Two
examines social injustices to be addressed. The last chapter examines the
potential of the teachings of world religions to encourage nonviolence
among their adherents. (This is not a stretch for me; I coedited a book on
the subject in 2015.) Whether those aspiring to nonviolent action are
religious or secular, all must learn several essential virtues.
chapter of the book deals with seven U.S. wars of the twentieth and
twenty-first century, beginning with the two World Wars, then moves on to
the five wars of choice in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq (twice), and Afghanistan,
and asks how modern wars have failed to meet the criteria of morally
justifiable war as they are articulated in the just war tradition.
In Chapter Two, the book's treatment of nonviolence begins with Gandhi's
political insights and ascetic practices. After a detailed study of
Gandhi's nonviolence, an objection-that Gandhi could not have succeeded in
overcoming the rise of the Third Reich and German aggression-is answered.
The next three chapters examine eleven other nonviolent movements. (An
appendix looks at nonviolent movements that have not succeeded and asks
why.)
Chapter Six turns to U.S. violence in its foreign interventions and
domestic culture. Despite the successes of nonviolence in other places,
nonviolence is not part of the American habit of dealing with conflict
(with the exception of some domestic movements-the civil rights and migrant
farm workers movements, for example). To an extent, this is understandable.
Powerless groups may choose nonviolence because it is their only realistic
option, but recourse to nonviolence in the United States requires a choice
to "go against the grain." The end of the chapter turns to the barriers to
nonviolent activism: What has prevented more activism against violence?
The first half of Chapter Seven addresses the qualities of successful
movements, some illustrated by earlier cases in the book. Section Two
examines social injustices to be addressed. The last chapter examines the
potential of the teachings of world religions to encourage nonviolence
among their adherents. (This is not a stretch for me; I coedited a book on
the subject in 2015.) Whether those aspiring to nonviolent action are
religious or secular, all must learn several essential virtues.
As the title suggests, we must be committed to "war no more." The first
chapter of the book deals with seven U.S. wars of the twentieth and
twenty-first century, beginning with the two World Wars, then moves on to
the five wars of choice in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq (twice), and Afghanistan,
and asks how modern wars have failed to meet the criteria of morally
justifiable war as they are articulated in the just war tradition.
In Chapter Two, the book's treatment of nonviolence begins with Gandhi's
political insights and ascetic practices. After a detailed study of
Gandhi's nonviolence, an objection-that Gandhi could not have succeeded in
overcoming the rise of the Third Reich and German aggression-is answered.
The next three chapters examine eleven other nonviolent movements. (An
appendix looks at nonviolent movements that have not succeeded and asks
why.)
Chapter Six turns to U.S. violence in its foreign interventions and
domestic culture. Despite the successes of nonviolence in other places,
nonviolence is not part of the American habit of dealing with conflict
(with the exception of some domestic movements-the civil rights and migrant
farm workers movements, for example). To an extent, this is understandable.
Powerless groups may choose nonviolence because it is their only realistic
option, but recourse to nonviolence in the United States requires a choice
to "go against the grain." The end of the chapter turns to the barriers to
nonviolent activism: What has prevented more activism against violence?
The first half of Chapter Seven addresses the qualities of successful
movements, some illustrated by earlier cases in the book. Section Two
examines social injustices to be addressed. The last chapter examines the
potential of the teachings of world religions to encourage nonviolence
among their adherents. (This is not a stretch for me; I coedited a book on
the subject in 2015.) Whether those aspiring to nonviolent action are
religious or secular, all must learn several essential virtues.
chapter of the book deals with seven U.S. wars of the twentieth and
twenty-first century, beginning with the two World Wars, then moves on to
the five wars of choice in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq (twice), and Afghanistan,
and asks how modern wars have failed to meet the criteria of morally
justifiable war as they are articulated in the just war tradition.
In Chapter Two, the book's treatment of nonviolence begins with Gandhi's
political insights and ascetic practices. After a detailed study of
Gandhi's nonviolence, an objection-that Gandhi could not have succeeded in
overcoming the rise of the Third Reich and German aggression-is answered.
The next three chapters examine eleven other nonviolent movements. (An
appendix looks at nonviolent movements that have not succeeded and asks
why.)
Chapter Six turns to U.S. violence in its foreign interventions and
domestic culture. Despite the successes of nonviolence in other places,
nonviolence is not part of the American habit of dealing with conflict
(with the exception of some domestic movements-the civil rights and migrant
farm workers movements, for example). To an extent, this is understandable.
Powerless groups may choose nonviolence because it is their only realistic
option, but recourse to nonviolence in the United States requires a choice
to "go against the grain." The end of the chapter turns to the barriers to
nonviolent activism: What has prevented more activism against violence?
The first half of Chapter Seven addresses the qualities of successful
movements, some illustrated by earlier cases in the book. Section Two
examines social injustices to be addressed. The last chapter examines the
potential of the teachings of world religions to encourage nonviolence
among their adherents. (This is not a stretch for me; I coedited a book on
the subject in 2015.) Whether those aspiring to nonviolent action are
religious or secular, all must learn several essential virtues.