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This book investigates the rise of China as an emerging major power and seeks to answer the question whether China's rise stabilises other non-democratic leaders in the world. By comparing China's bilateral relations to three Asian developing countries - Cambodia, Burma and Mongolia - with varying political types of regime, the book illustrates that the Chinese government has indeed profited from exploiting secretive decision making in autocracies to realise its own external interests such as achieving access to natural resources. However, only some forms of bilateral interaction, such as high…mehr
This book investigates the rise of China as an emerging major power and seeks to answer the question whether China's rise stabilises other non-democratic leaders in the world. By comparing China's bilateral relations to three Asian developing countries - Cambodia, Burma and Mongolia - with varying political types of regime, the book illustrates that the Chinese government has indeed profited from exploiting secretive decision making in autocracies to realise its own external interests such as achieving access to natural resources. However, only some forms of bilateral interaction, such as high trade dependence on China, effectively do increase the prospect of survival for autocratic leaders while others, such as diplomatic relations or economic cooperation do not have such an effect.
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Autorenporträt
Julia Bader is an Assistant Professor for International Relations at the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands and an Associate Fellow of the German Development Institute (DIE). Her work focuses on the political economy of authoritarian regimes, foreign aid and democracy promotion.
Inhaltsangabe
Part 1: Supporting Dictators. If so, why and how? 1. What we Know and why we Know so Little 2. Why Autocracies should have an Interest in the Prevalence of Authoritarianism Part 2: External Exploitation: who, how and when? 3. How external exploitation materializes 4. Burma: Neither puppet, nor pawn 5. Cambodia: Rocking in China's soft underbelly 6. Mongolia: Between a rock and a hard place 7. Does China realize its interests? Part 3: Autocratic cooperation? Patterns and consequences 8. Does China target other autocrats? 9. Do China's foreign relations lead to autocratic survival? Part 4: So what? Findings, reflections and conclusions 10. Conclusion
Part 1: Supporting Dictators. If so, why and how? 1. What we Know and why we Know so Little 2. Why Autocracies should have an Interest in the Prevalence of Authoritarianism Part 2: External Exploitation: who, how and when? 3. How external exploitation materializes 4. Burma: Neither puppet, nor pawn 5. Cambodia: Rocking in China's soft underbelly 6. Mongolia: Between a rock and a hard place 7. Does China realize its interests? Part 3: Autocratic cooperation? Patterns and consequences 8. Does China target other autocrats? 9. Do China's foreign relations lead to autocratic survival? Part 4: So what? Findings, reflections and conclusions 10. Conclusion
Part 1: Supporting Dictators. If so, why and how? 1. What we Know and why we Know so Little 2. Why Autocracies should have an Interest in the Prevalence of Authoritarianism Part 2: External Exploitation: who, how and when? 3. How external exploitation materializes 4. Burma: Neither puppet, nor pawn 5. Cambodia: Rocking in China's soft underbelly 6. Mongolia: Between a rock and a hard place 7. Does China realize its interests? Part 3: Autocratic cooperation? Patterns and consequences 8. Does China target other autocrats? 9. Do China's foreign relations lead to autocratic survival? Part 4: So what? Findings, reflections and conclusions 10. Conclusion
Part 1: Supporting Dictators. If so, why and how? 1. What we Know and why we Know so Little 2. Why Autocracies should have an Interest in the Prevalence of Authoritarianism Part 2: External Exploitation: who, how and when? 3. How external exploitation materializes 4. Burma: Neither puppet, nor pawn 5. Cambodia: Rocking in China's soft underbelly 6. Mongolia: Between a rock and a hard place 7. Does China realize its interests? Part 3: Autocratic cooperation? Patterns and consequences 8. Does China target other autocrats? 9. Do China's foreign relations lead to autocratic survival? Part 4: So what? Findings, reflections and conclusions 10. Conclusion
Rezensionen
"China has long asserted that in its foreign policy, it follows a policy of non-interference in other countries' domestic politics. Bader (Univ. of Amsterdam) examines that claim and finds "some evidence" that China is more likely to target autocracies for economic cooperation than more democratic countries. Her analysis moves from a broad general analysis of Chinese foreign relations to three intensive case studies: Burma, Cambodia, and Mongolia. In her carefully argued conclusion, she posits three hypotheses for further exploration: China is more successful in realizing its foreign policy interests with autocratic countries, China targets such countries for economic collaboration, and autocratic leaders of these countries reap significantly more benefit from the relationship than the populaces of those countries do. Written for academic audiences, the work belongs in large university libraries with significant East Asian holdings. Summing Up: Recommended. Graduate, research, and professional collections." - CHOICE,J. A. Rhodes, emeritus, Luther College
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