Gangs and militias have been a persistent feature of social and political life in Indonesia. Based on extensive fieldwork this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the changing relationship between gangs, militias and political power and authority in post-New Order Indonesia. It argues that gangs and militias have manufactured various types of legitimacy in consolidating localised territorial monopolies and protection economies, and that the protection racket as a social relation of coercion and domination remains a salient feature of Indonesia's post-authoritarian political landscape.
Gangs and militias have been a persistent feature of social and political life in Indonesia. Based on extensive fieldwork this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the changing relationship between gangs, militias and political power and authority in post-New Order Indonesia. It argues that gangs and militias have manufactured various types of legitimacy in consolidating localised territorial monopolies and protection economies, and that the protection racket as a social relation of coercion and domination remains a salient feature of Indonesia's post-authoritarian political landscape.
Ian Douglas Wilson is a Lecturer in Politics and Security Studies at the School of Management and Governance, and a Research Fellow at the Asia Research Centre, Murdoch University, Australia.
Inhaltsangabe
1. Protection, Violence and the State 2. Reconfigured Rackets: Continuity, Change and Consolidation 3. A New Order of Crime: Suharto's Racket Regime 4. The Changing of the Preman Guard 5. The Rise of the Betawi 6. Jakarta's Political Economy of Rackets 7. Coercive Capital, Political Entrepreneurship and Electoral Democracy 8. Conclusions
1. Protection, Violence and the State 2. Reconfigured Rackets: Continuity, Change and Consolidation 3. A New Order of Crime: Suharto's Racket Regime 4. The Changing of the Preman Guard 5. The Rise of the Betawi 6. Jakarta's Political Economy of Rackets 7. Coercive Capital, Political Entrepreneurship and Electoral Democracy 8. Conclusions
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