Mandy Simons
Issues in the Semantics and Pragmatics of Disjunction
Mandy Simons
Issues in the Semantics and Pragmatics of Disjunction
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First published in 2000, this book is about sentences containing the word or, dealing primarily with sentences in which or conjoins clauses, but also some cases in which it conjoins expressions of other categories. The author aims to give an account of the discourse properties and felicity conditions of disjunction, and to use this account in explaining the behaviour of presupposition projection and of anaphora in disjunctive sentences. The author begins by giving an account of the discourse properties and felicity conditions of disjunction before turning to the presupposition projection…mehr
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First published in 2000, this book is about sentences containing the word or, dealing primarily with sentences in which or conjoins clauses, but also some cases in which it conjoins expressions of other categories. The author aims to give an account of the discourse properties and felicity conditions of disjunction, and to use this account in explaining the behaviour of presupposition projection and of anaphora in disjunctive sentences. The author begins by giving an account of the discourse properties and felicity conditions of disjunction before turning to the presupposition projection problem. The final two chapters discuss anaphora and its interactions with disjunction.
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Hinweis: Dieser Artikel kann nur an eine deutsche Lieferadresse ausgeliefert werden.
Produktdetails
- Produktdetails
- Routledge Library Editions: Semantics and Semiology
- Verlag: Taylor & Francis Ltd
- Seitenzahl: 276
- Erscheinungstermin: 27. Februar 2018
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 234mm x 156mm x 15mm
- Gewicht: 426g
- ISBN-13: 9781138697959
- ISBN-10: 1138697958
- Artikelnr.: 52643534
- Routledge Library Editions: Semantics and Semiology
- Verlag: Taylor & Francis Ltd
- Seitenzahl: 276
- Erscheinungstermin: 27. Februar 2018
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 234mm x 156mm x 15mm
- Gewicht: 426g
- ISBN-13: 9781138697959
- ISBN-10: 1138697958
- Artikelnr.: 52643534
Simons, Mandy
1. Introduction; 1.1. Overview 1.1.1. What this dissertation is about
1.1.2. Context change: Pragmatic vs. semantic approaches 1.2. The
Stalnakerian Model of Presupposition and Assertion 1.3. Dynamic Semantics
1.3.1. The Fundamentals 1.3.2. File Change Semantics (FCS) and the CCP
proposal 1.3.3. Discourse Representation Theory (DRT) 1.3.4. Dynamic
Montague Grammar (DMG) Notes to Chapter One; 2. Disjunctive Sentences In
Discourse; 2.1. Introduction 2.2. The Discourse Function and Felicity
Conditions of Disjunction 2.2.1. The Basic Observations 2.2.2. Relation and
Manner in the Stalnakerian Model 2.3. The Enriched Context Change Framework
2.3.1. Presentation 2.3.2. Disjunction and the Relevant Informativity
Condition 2.3.3. Disjunction and Simplicity 2.3.4. Disjunction and Rooth's
Alternative Semantics 2.3.5. Summary 2.4. Some Exceptions 2.4.1. Floutings
2.4.2. Reasoning contexts 2.4.3. Metalinguistic or 2.5. The Exclusive
Interpretation of or 2.5.1. Critique of the ambiguity account 2.5.2.
Gazdar's (1979) account 2.5.3. Exclusivity from exhaustiveness 2.5.4.
Exclusivity from alternativeness 2.5.5. Summary 2.6. Conclusion Notes to
Chapter Two; 3. Presupposition Projection; 3.1. Introduction 3.1.1. The
Basic Question 3.1.2. The Theoretical Issues 3.2. The Data 3.3. The
Satisfaction Account of Presupposition Projection 3.3.1. Basics of the
Satisfaction Account 3.3.2. CCPs for disjunction 3.3.3. Critique 3.4.
Towards a New Account 3.4.1. Gazdar's cancellation theory 3.4.2. The
accommodation view: Van der Sandt (1992) 3.4.3. Translating DRSs into
Stalnakerian contexts 3.5. The Account in Action 3.5.1. Basic cases 3.5.2.
Entailing disjunctions again 3.5.3. Beaver's counterexample 3.6. Conclusion
Notes to Chapter Three; 4. Internal Anaphora; 4.1. Introduction 4.2.
Anaphora-based Accounts in Dynamic Semantic Theories 4.2.1. DMG:
Groenendijk and Stokhof (1990) 4.2.2. DRT: Kamp and Reyle (1993) 4.2.3. A
second DRT proposal: Krahmer and Muskens (1994) 4.2.4. Van der Sandt (1992)
revisited 4.3. A Felicity-based Approach 4.3.1. Introduction to the account
4.3.2. The E-type account of anaphora 4.3.3. A felicity-based solution to
the internal anaphora puzzle 4.3.4. Summary 4.4. Further Data 4.4.1. Narrow
scope antecedents 4.4.2. Non-E-type unbound anaphora 4.4.3. Pleonastic
pronouns 4.5. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Four; 5. External Anaphora; 5.1.
Introduction 5.2. The Basic Data 5.2.1. Anaphora to a disjunction of NPs
5.2.2. Clausal disjunction 5.3. A First Reformulation of the E-type Account
5.4. A Compositional Structural E-type Account 5.4.1. Presentation 5.4.2.
Comparison with Chapter Four account 5.4.3. Narrow scope antecedents 5.5.
Application to the External Anaphora Data 5.5.1. Anaphora to a disjunction
of NPs 5.5.2. Anaphora to clausal disjunctions 5.5.3. Summary 5.6. The
Single-antecedent Reading 5.6.1. Derivation of single-antecedent readings
5.6.2. Maximal quantifier antecedents 5.6.3. Summary 5.7. Other Approaches
to External Anaphora 5.8. Further Issues for the E-type Account 5.8.1.
Inference-based anaphora 5.8.2. Interpretation of plural pronouns 5.8.3.
Anaphora to NP disjuncts and conjuncts 5.9. Conclusion Notes to Chapter
Five; Concluding Remarks; Grice, Stalnaker and Dynamic Semantics; Appendix;
Bibliography; Index
1.1.2. Context change: Pragmatic vs. semantic approaches 1.2. The
Stalnakerian Model of Presupposition and Assertion 1.3. Dynamic Semantics
1.3.1. The Fundamentals 1.3.2. File Change Semantics (FCS) and the CCP
proposal 1.3.3. Discourse Representation Theory (DRT) 1.3.4. Dynamic
Montague Grammar (DMG) Notes to Chapter One; 2. Disjunctive Sentences In
Discourse; 2.1. Introduction 2.2. The Discourse Function and Felicity
Conditions of Disjunction 2.2.1. The Basic Observations 2.2.2. Relation and
Manner in the Stalnakerian Model 2.3. The Enriched Context Change Framework
2.3.1. Presentation 2.3.2. Disjunction and the Relevant Informativity
Condition 2.3.3. Disjunction and Simplicity 2.3.4. Disjunction and Rooth's
Alternative Semantics 2.3.5. Summary 2.4. Some Exceptions 2.4.1. Floutings
2.4.2. Reasoning contexts 2.4.3. Metalinguistic or 2.5. The Exclusive
Interpretation of or 2.5.1. Critique of the ambiguity account 2.5.2.
Gazdar's (1979) account 2.5.3. Exclusivity from exhaustiveness 2.5.4.
Exclusivity from alternativeness 2.5.5. Summary 2.6. Conclusion Notes to
Chapter Two; 3. Presupposition Projection; 3.1. Introduction 3.1.1. The
Basic Question 3.1.2. The Theoretical Issues 3.2. The Data 3.3. The
Satisfaction Account of Presupposition Projection 3.3.1. Basics of the
Satisfaction Account 3.3.2. CCPs for disjunction 3.3.3. Critique 3.4.
Towards a New Account 3.4.1. Gazdar's cancellation theory 3.4.2. The
accommodation view: Van der Sandt (1992) 3.4.3. Translating DRSs into
Stalnakerian contexts 3.5. The Account in Action 3.5.1. Basic cases 3.5.2.
Entailing disjunctions again 3.5.3. Beaver's counterexample 3.6. Conclusion
Notes to Chapter Three; 4. Internal Anaphora; 4.1. Introduction 4.2.
Anaphora-based Accounts in Dynamic Semantic Theories 4.2.1. DMG:
Groenendijk and Stokhof (1990) 4.2.2. DRT: Kamp and Reyle (1993) 4.2.3. A
second DRT proposal: Krahmer and Muskens (1994) 4.2.4. Van der Sandt (1992)
revisited 4.3. A Felicity-based Approach 4.3.1. Introduction to the account
4.3.2. The E-type account of anaphora 4.3.3. A felicity-based solution to
the internal anaphora puzzle 4.3.4. Summary 4.4. Further Data 4.4.1. Narrow
scope antecedents 4.4.2. Non-E-type unbound anaphora 4.4.3. Pleonastic
pronouns 4.5. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Four; 5. External Anaphora; 5.1.
Introduction 5.2. The Basic Data 5.2.1. Anaphora to a disjunction of NPs
5.2.2. Clausal disjunction 5.3. A First Reformulation of the E-type Account
5.4. A Compositional Structural E-type Account 5.4.1. Presentation 5.4.2.
Comparison with Chapter Four account 5.4.3. Narrow scope antecedents 5.5.
Application to the External Anaphora Data 5.5.1. Anaphora to a disjunction
of NPs 5.5.2. Anaphora to clausal disjunctions 5.5.3. Summary 5.6. The
Single-antecedent Reading 5.6.1. Derivation of single-antecedent readings
5.6.2. Maximal quantifier antecedents 5.6.3. Summary 5.7. Other Approaches
to External Anaphora 5.8. Further Issues for the E-type Account 5.8.1.
Inference-based anaphora 5.8.2. Interpretation of plural pronouns 5.8.3.
Anaphora to NP disjuncts and conjuncts 5.9. Conclusion Notes to Chapter
Five; Concluding Remarks; Grice, Stalnaker and Dynamic Semantics; Appendix;
Bibliography; Index
1. Introduction; 1.1. Overview 1.1.1. What this dissertation is about
1.1.2. Context change: Pragmatic vs. semantic approaches 1.2. The
Stalnakerian Model of Presupposition and Assertion 1.3. Dynamic Semantics
1.3.1. The Fundamentals 1.3.2. File Change Semantics (FCS) and the CCP
proposal 1.3.3. Discourse Representation Theory (DRT) 1.3.4. Dynamic
Montague Grammar (DMG) Notes to Chapter One; 2. Disjunctive Sentences In
Discourse; 2.1. Introduction 2.2. The Discourse Function and Felicity
Conditions of Disjunction 2.2.1. The Basic Observations 2.2.2. Relation and
Manner in the Stalnakerian Model 2.3. The Enriched Context Change Framework
2.3.1. Presentation 2.3.2. Disjunction and the Relevant Informativity
Condition 2.3.3. Disjunction and Simplicity 2.3.4. Disjunction and Rooth's
Alternative Semantics 2.3.5. Summary 2.4. Some Exceptions 2.4.1. Floutings
2.4.2. Reasoning contexts 2.4.3. Metalinguistic or 2.5. The Exclusive
Interpretation of or 2.5.1. Critique of the ambiguity account 2.5.2.
Gazdar's (1979) account 2.5.3. Exclusivity from exhaustiveness 2.5.4.
Exclusivity from alternativeness 2.5.5. Summary 2.6. Conclusion Notes to
Chapter Two; 3. Presupposition Projection; 3.1. Introduction 3.1.1. The
Basic Question 3.1.2. The Theoretical Issues 3.2. The Data 3.3. The
Satisfaction Account of Presupposition Projection 3.3.1. Basics of the
Satisfaction Account 3.3.2. CCPs for disjunction 3.3.3. Critique 3.4.
Towards a New Account 3.4.1. Gazdar's cancellation theory 3.4.2. The
accommodation view: Van der Sandt (1992) 3.4.3. Translating DRSs into
Stalnakerian contexts 3.5. The Account in Action 3.5.1. Basic cases 3.5.2.
Entailing disjunctions again 3.5.3. Beaver's counterexample 3.6. Conclusion
Notes to Chapter Three; 4. Internal Anaphora; 4.1. Introduction 4.2.
Anaphora-based Accounts in Dynamic Semantic Theories 4.2.1. DMG:
Groenendijk and Stokhof (1990) 4.2.2. DRT: Kamp and Reyle (1993) 4.2.3. A
second DRT proposal: Krahmer and Muskens (1994) 4.2.4. Van der Sandt (1992)
revisited 4.3. A Felicity-based Approach 4.3.1. Introduction to the account
4.3.2. The E-type account of anaphora 4.3.3. A felicity-based solution to
the internal anaphora puzzle 4.3.4. Summary 4.4. Further Data 4.4.1. Narrow
scope antecedents 4.4.2. Non-E-type unbound anaphora 4.4.3. Pleonastic
pronouns 4.5. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Four; 5. External Anaphora; 5.1.
Introduction 5.2. The Basic Data 5.2.1. Anaphora to a disjunction of NPs
5.2.2. Clausal disjunction 5.3. A First Reformulation of the E-type Account
5.4. A Compositional Structural E-type Account 5.4.1. Presentation 5.4.2.
Comparison with Chapter Four account 5.4.3. Narrow scope antecedents 5.5.
Application to the External Anaphora Data 5.5.1. Anaphora to a disjunction
of NPs 5.5.2. Anaphora to clausal disjunctions 5.5.3. Summary 5.6. The
Single-antecedent Reading 5.6.1. Derivation of single-antecedent readings
5.6.2. Maximal quantifier antecedents 5.6.3. Summary 5.7. Other Approaches
to External Anaphora 5.8. Further Issues for the E-type Account 5.8.1.
Inference-based anaphora 5.8.2. Interpretation of plural pronouns 5.8.3.
Anaphora to NP disjuncts and conjuncts 5.9. Conclusion Notes to Chapter
Five; Concluding Remarks; Grice, Stalnaker and Dynamic Semantics; Appendix;
Bibliography; Index
1.1.2. Context change: Pragmatic vs. semantic approaches 1.2. The
Stalnakerian Model of Presupposition and Assertion 1.3. Dynamic Semantics
1.3.1. The Fundamentals 1.3.2. File Change Semantics (FCS) and the CCP
proposal 1.3.3. Discourse Representation Theory (DRT) 1.3.4. Dynamic
Montague Grammar (DMG) Notes to Chapter One; 2. Disjunctive Sentences In
Discourse; 2.1. Introduction 2.2. The Discourse Function and Felicity
Conditions of Disjunction 2.2.1. The Basic Observations 2.2.2. Relation and
Manner in the Stalnakerian Model 2.3. The Enriched Context Change Framework
2.3.1. Presentation 2.3.2. Disjunction and the Relevant Informativity
Condition 2.3.3. Disjunction and Simplicity 2.3.4. Disjunction and Rooth's
Alternative Semantics 2.3.5. Summary 2.4. Some Exceptions 2.4.1. Floutings
2.4.2. Reasoning contexts 2.4.3. Metalinguistic or 2.5. The Exclusive
Interpretation of or 2.5.1. Critique of the ambiguity account 2.5.2.
Gazdar's (1979) account 2.5.3. Exclusivity from exhaustiveness 2.5.4.
Exclusivity from alternativeness 2.5.5. Summary 2.6. Conclusion Notes to
Chapter Two; 3. Presupposition Projection; 3.1. Introduction 3.1.1. The
Basic Question 3.1.2. The Theoretical Issues 3.2. The Data 3.3. The
Satisfaction Account of Presupposition Projection 3.3.1. Basics of the
Satisfaction Account 3.3.2. CCPs for disjunction 3.3.3. Critique 3.4.
Towards a New Account 3.4.1. Gazdar's cancellation theory 3.4.2. The
accommodation view: Van der Sandt (1992) 3.4.3. Translating DRSs into
Stalnakerian contexts 3.5. The Account in Action 3.5.1. Basic cases 3.5.2.
Entailing disjunctions again 3.5.3. Beaver's counterexample 3.6. Conclusion
Notes to Chapter Three; 4. Internal Anaphora; 4.1. Introduction 4.2.
Anaphora-based Accounts in Dynamic Semantic Theories 4.2.1. DMG:
Groenendijk and Stokhof (1990) 4.2.2. DRT: Kamp and Reyle (1993) 4.2.3. A
second DRT proposal: Krahmer and Muskens (1994) 4.2.4. Van der Sandt (1992)
revisited 4.3. A Felicity-based Approach 4.3.1. Introduction to the account
4.3.2. The E-type account of anaphora 4.3.3. A felicity-based solution to
the internal anaphora puzzle 4.3.4. Summary 4.4. Further Data 4.4.1. Narrow
scope antecedents 4.4.2. Non-E-type unbound anaphora 4.4.3. Pleonastic
pronouns 4.5. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Four; 5. External Anaphora; 5.1.
Introduction 5.2. The Basic Data 5.2.1. Anaphora to a disjunction of NPs
5.2.2. Clausal disjunction 5.3. A First Reformulation of the E-type Account
5.4. A Compositional Structural E-type Account 5.4.1. Presentation 5.4.2.
Comparison with Chapter Four account 5.4.3. Narrow scope antecedents 5.5.
Application to the External Anaphora Data 5.5.1. Anaphora to a disjunction
of NPs 5.5.2. Anaphora to clausal disjunctions 5.5.3. Summary 5.6. The
Single-antecedent Reading 5.6.1. Derivation of single-antecedent readings
5.6.2. Maximal quantifier antecedents 5.6.3. Summary 5.7. Other Approaches
to External Anaphora 5.8. Further Issues for the E-type Account 5.8.1.
Inference-based anaphora 5.8.2. Interpretation of plural pronouns 5.8.3.
Anaphora to NP disjuncts and conjuncts 5.9. Conclusion Notes to Chapter
Five; Concluding Remarks; Grice, Stalnaker and Dynamic Semantics; Appendix;
Bibliography; Index